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ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1
833 01230
6343
GENEALOGY
942
AN21
V.3
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THE ANCESTOR
A Quarterly Review of County and
Family History, Heraldry
and Antiquities
Number III
OCTOBER 1902.
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO LTD
2 WHITEHALL GARDENS
WESTMINSTER S.W
CONTENTS
PAGE
THE JERVOISES OF HERRIARD AND BRITFORD
By F. H. T. Jervoise i
THE TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY
By J. Horace Round, M.A. 14
DOCTOR AND PATIENT IN 162 1. By W. H. B. Bird, B.A. 36
SOME PORTRAITS AT THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES
By Estelle Nathan ijllustrated) 41
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 49
SOME EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES : I. The Wigtons ;
II. The Levingtons . . By the Rev. James Wilson, M.A. 73
THE ARMS OF THE SANDYS OF CUMBERLAND
By the Rev. James Wilson, M.A. 85
THE EVOLUTION OF THE COMBED HELMET
By T. G. Nevill, F.S.A. {Illustrated) 87
ARMS AND THE INLAND REVENUE
By Oswald Barron, F.S.A. 93
THE GENESIS OF A MYTH
By the Rev. Thomas Taylor, M.A. 98
THE HUGUENOT FAMILIES IN ENGLAND : II. The Barons 105
WHAT IS BELIEVED 118
THE GENTILITY OF WILLIAM EXELBY
By Oswald Barron, F.S.A. 127
THE HOUSEHOLD BOOKS OF SIR MILES STAPLETON, BART.
By the Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 132
THE GARTER PLATES AS A ROLL OF ARMS {Illustrated) , 163
THE ANTIQUARY AND THE NOVELIST
By Oswald Barron, F.S.A. 177
A FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOK OF ARMS {Illustrated) . 185
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES: III. Shirley; IV. Carteret ... 214
THE GENEALOGY OF THE GIFFARDS 223
THE PERCYS OF NORTHUMBERLAND . 229
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 237
EDITORIAL NOTES 241
TIhe Copyright of all the Articles and Illustrations
in this Review is strictly reserved
The pages of The Ancestor will be open
to correspondence dealing with matters
within the scope of the review.
Questions will be answered, and advice
will be given, as far as may be possible,
upon all points relating to the subjects
with which The Ancestor is concerned.
While the greatest care will be taken
of any MSS. which may be submitted for
publication, the Editor cannot make him-
self responsible for their accidental loss.
All literary communications should be
addressed to
The Editor of The Ancestor
2 Whitehall Gardens
Westminster S.W
Sir John Doddridge.
(From his portrait at the Society of Antiquaries.)
THE JERVOISES OF HERRIARD AND
BRITFORD
THE earliest authentic information of the history of this
family which has been associated for between three and
four centuries with the counties of Hampshire and Wiltshire,
is gathered from an ancient * cartulary' of i8o folios, bound
in vellum and compiled in 1551 during the lifetime of its
owner Richard Jerveys, mercer and alderman of London.
From the pedigree on the first page we find that he was
born in 1 500 and that his father was * Thomas Jerveys some-
tyme of Kidderminster.'
The next memorandum in this ' cartulary,' or, as Richard
calls it, his ' Book of Evidences,' is as follows : —
^ Memorandum that I Richard Jerveis of London mercer
toke to wyiFe Wenefride late the wyflFe of William Stathum of
London mercer and maried her the thursdaye the xxvj day in
Octobre A? dni. 1525 whiche was dough ter of John Bernerd
of London mercer and had isshues by the soveraunce of God
these children as hereafter doth folowe by the said Wenefride
Jerveis.
* Item Barnard Jerveis my first sone was borne the xv
daye of Septembre A° xv^xxx betwext x and xi of the cloke
at night and crisined the xvj daye Doctor Clement and James
Barnard his godfathers Mrs. Resce late the wyflFe of John Grene
mercer godmother and James Bolney mercere godfather at the
bysshop which Barnard departed to Gode in Octobre anno
dni. 1535.
^ Item Thomas Jerveis my second sone was borne on
Saterday being Childermas day the xxviij daye of Decembre
the yere of our Lord God xv*^ and xxxij iij quarters of the
houre after ix of the cloke in the night and crisined on
Seint Thomas day foUowyng, his godfathers Sir Thomas More
Knyght late Lord Chauncellor of Inglond M"" Thomas Walshe
the Kyngs Remembrauncer in his Exchequer Ladie Mary
Seymer wyfFe to Sir Thomas Seymer Knyght Alderman of
London godmother, godfather at the busshop George Welshe
brother to the said Thomas Walshe.
2
THE ANCESTOR
^ Item Richard Jerveis my iij^® sone was borne on Sonday the
iij day of Septembre A° 1536 at vij of the cloke before noon
and crisined the same daye his godfathers at the Fount Walter
Marshe and Henry Polsted gent, godmother Barbara wyffe to
Andrewe Fuller of London mercer and merchaunt of the
Staple at Caleis and at the bysshop John Walker deputie to
the righte honorable Counties of Sarum. These Christ geve
them of his grace that they may be alle his servaunts in the
faith of Jesu Criste Amen.'
From the fact that Sir Thomas More and Richard Jerveis
were living at Chelsea, and the evident friendship that existed
between the families, it is thought quite possible that the por-
trait of Richard Jerveis (which we give) may have been
among those painted by Holbein of persons known to have
been friends of More.
Richard gives no clue to his ancestors, and, if we may
infer, from his placing a pedigree of his father's children at the
beginning of his cartulary, that his object was to found a
family, it is interesting to find that he was so far successful
that one of his largest properties, that of Britford near Salis-
bury (bought in 1538 from the Earl of Huntingdon and Lord
Hastings his son), still remains to his descendants. Amongst
the other purchases of land by the wealthy mercer were the
manors of Northfield, Weoley and Bedcote in Worcestershire
and a house in the city of Worcester, where he retired to ; the
manors of Quatt and Chelmarsh in Shropshire; the manor
of Walkeringham in Nottinghamshire, and in London, a house
in Bow Lane.
From the Records of the Mercers' Company we find that
Richard Jervais was apprenticed in 1507. In 1543 he suc-
ceeded Laxton as Alderman of Aldersgate, and in 1549 of
Bassingshaw, while in 1546 he served as sheriff with Thomas
Curteis, during the Lord Mayoralty of Sir Henry Hobberl-
thorne.
Richard in his will leaves all his goods to be divided into
thirds between his wife and two surviving sons, 'according
to the custom of the city of London,' and we feel that a
worthy man has had his due by his remembering his ' pen-
neman ' ; the properties eventually came to his eldest surviv-
ing son Thomas.
In St. Luke's Church at Chelsea there is a monument in
the form of an arch, but it is uncertain whether it was erected
4
Richard Jkrvoise and Family.
THE JERVOISES
3
to Richard the father or Richard the son, for, though the
only inscription is doubtless to the son who died in 1563
(the father dying in 1557), it seems probable that an altar
tomb has been removed from below the arch.
From the address on the letters written by the mother
at Worcester to her sons, after their father's death, they
appear to have continued to live at Chelsea : both brothers
were 'called to the bar,' Richard to the Inner Temple and
Thomas to the Middle Temple. In each letter Winifred
Jerveis gives some sound advice ; on one occasion she writes :
' I pray you and your brother not to be so louyse yn your
expence, for, yf you be, yt woU melte as hotter yn the sonne.*
Of Thomas Jerveys, who succeeded his father, we know
little, except that he married Cicely Ridley, a Shropshire
heiress, and was the first governour of Stourbridge School
(King Edward VI. 's), probably on account of his being lord
of the Manor of Bedcote. His death in 1588 at Britford
near Salisbury is shrouded in mystery, which remained un-
solved in spite of a large reward for information being offered
by his widow, who afterwards married Sir George Wrottesley,
knight, a member of a younger branch of the family of
Wrottesley of Wrottesley.
The wardship of his only son Thomas, who was then a
year old, was granted to Rowland Lacon and Francis Newport,
who sold it for £2^0 to Sir George Wrottesley, who in 1601
parted with it to Sir Richard Powlett, knight, of Herriard and
Fryfolk in Hants, for 1,100 : the object of the purchase on
the part of Sir Richard being to marry his daughter and co-
heiress Lucy to the ward. The marriage licence, costing 20j.,
is signed by Thomas Ridley (July 17, 1601).
In August 161 1, at the age of twenty, he received knight-
hood at the hand of King James at Salisbury, and five years
later Sir Thomas entered public life as High Sheriff of Shrop-
shire. The part he took in public affairs in his native county
of Wiltshire was much less important than in Hampshire,
where the estates which he held with his wife, after her father's
death in 16 14, made his influence felt. He was elected in the
third Parliament of James I. (1621) to represent the borough
of Whitchurch (Hants) with Sir Robert Oxenbridge, knight ;
in 1628 with his wife's cousin. Sir Henry Wallop, knight, and
along with his eldest son Richard he sat for the same borough
in the Short and Long Parliaments of Charles I.
4
THE ANCESTOR
Various commissions show that, with him as with so many
country gentlemen of those unhappy times, his career on its
military side developed into a grim reality. Colonel of a
regiment of dragoons and Hampshire Militia (Kingsclere
Division) in 1630, Sir Thomas was subsequently appointed
by the Earl of Essex in 1642 to the command of a Regiment
of Horse, and was with Sir William Waller at the surrender
of Portsmouth. Later he was one of the committee formed
for the defence of the same town by the Parliamentarian
troops, and in June 1644, difficulty in obtaining sufficient
money to pay the garrison caused the House of Commons to
issue the order to Sir Thomas Jervoise, Richard Wallop and
Richard Whitehead to take steps, within one month, for the
sequestration of the estates of ' Papists and Delinquents ' of
a less value than 12,000, within the cities of London and
Westminster, and to apply the proceeds to the liquidation of
the ;^8,ooo due in arrears to the garrisons of Portsmouth, and
of Hurst, Southsea and Calshot Castles.
After this time Sir Thomas retired from a military to a
civil life on his appointment in 1644, by both Houses of
Parliament, to succeed the Duke of Lennox, in the office of
High Steward of the Royal Manor of Richmond (Surrey) and
Keeper of the Little Park. From his accounts kept in a pocket
book he appears to have constantly travelled up to London by
boat from Richmond, probably to attend to Parliamentary
business.
The manor of Herriard, which Lucy Powlett brought to
her husband, Sir Thomas Jervoise, was one of the sixty held
by Hugh de Port at the time of the Domesday survey, and in
the twelfth century probably by the ' de Herierds,' mentioned
in the Pipe Rolls as holding under the ' de Ports.' The earliest
charter in the possession of the Jervoise family relating to this
manor is that of Maud de Herierd, who, holding it under
Reynold Fitz Peter, granted it, in about 1240, to Fulc de
Coudray, his step-grandson, in exchange for the manors of
Padworth in Berks and Mulsho in Bucks for her life. The
Cowdrays held it till an heiress Elizabeth married, in 1540,
Richard Powlett, younger brother of the first Marquis of
Winchester, who were the great-grandparents of Lucy.
The charter from Reynold Fitz Peter, confirming the
grant by Maud de Herierd, has an interesting armorial seal
in green wax.
Richard Jerveys. 1500- 1557.
Captaim Thomas Jekvoise.
THE JERVOISES
5
Sir Thomas died on 20th October 1654, having married
as his second wife Frances, daughter of Thomas Jay, Com-
missary General of the Cavalry under Charles L, by whom he
had several children.
Richard of Freefolk, the eldest son of Sir Thomas, as we
have already seen represented Whitchurch in the Short and
Long Parliaments with his father. On his marriage. May
8, 1637, with Frances, daughter of Judge Crooke of Water-
stoke, CO. Oxon, the manor of Freefolk Syfrawast was settled
on him. This property, part of his mother's inheritance,
passed out of the family in 1674, when his last surviving
daughter and heiress, Mary, wife of William Wilmott of
Upper Lamborne, co. Berks, sold it to one Randal Clayton for
;^7,500. Connected with Freefolk there is in the possession
of the family a 'bull' of Clement IV. (1267) permitting Sir
Thomas Warbilton to have his own private chapel and chap-
Iain.
Henry the third son we find serving, as captain of the
Fellowships under Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick, the Admiral
in command of the Parliamentarian fleet.
Captain Thomas, the second but eldest surviving son of Sir
Thomas Jervoise, born i6th March 161 5, was as vigorous a
partisan of the Parliament as his father and, as a Captain of
Horse, was continually in the field from April 1 643 to the close
of the war, first under Sir W. Waller, and during the last year
under Fairfax.^ The influential position his father held in
Hampshire enabled Thomas materially to assist the Parlia-
mentary cause in that part, by recruiting for the forces, and his
own active share in the war was sufficient to attract the
attention of Clarendon, who in his History of the Rebellion calls
him and another Parliamentarian, Captain John Jephson, ' the
two eldest sons of two of the greatest rebells of that country,
and both heirs to good fortune.' He played a distinguished
part at the siege of Corfe Castle in 1643, when Colonel
Norton was entrusted with the reduction of Basing House, the
greatest stronghold of the king's party in North Hampshire,
Captain Jervoise commanded a troop of horse in the besieging
army, and was captured in Basing Church by the Royalists
under Colonel Gage, who had been sent by the king from
^ In August 1643 he holds a commission as Cornet in Sir Arthur Hazel-
rigg's regiment, and in December as Captain of Horse in Lieut. General
Middleton's regiment under Sir William Waller's command till April 1645.
6
THE ANCESTOR
Oxford to relieve the hard pressed garrison. Captain Thomases
captivity only lasted three months, being exchanged in October
1644 for a Royalist officer imprisoned at Farnham, and he
was in the field again in December drawing full pay.
The activity and excesses of Goring in the west drew
Fairfax there with his new modelled army to raise the siege of
Taunton, and large bodies of recruits were raised in Hampshire
to join him. At a muster held at Romsey in June 1645
Colonel Massey, the Governor of Gloucester, who was
collecting reinforcements, was joined by ^ Capt. Jervoise with
340 horse and 340 Reformadoes, a welcome accession of
strength.' With a force of 3,000 men Massey joined the
army of Fairfax which, returning from the decisive victory of
Naseby, was on its way to relieve Taunton and recover the
towns captured by Goring in Somerset and Wilts. This was
the last campaign of the war, and the defeat of Goring at
Langport in July, followed by the capture of Bridgewater and
Bristol, shattered the hopes of the Royalists. Captain Jer-
voise returned home on his troop being disbanded (December
24, 1646).
Several of his appointments and certificates of having been
in ' actual service ' are in good preservation, two of which are
signed by Waller, one testifying to his ' having demeasned
himself well in actual Service under him in Captain William
Cross' Troop from 29th August to November 1643 ' >
another that he was 'Captain of a troop of horse, from 29th
December 1643, 30th April 1645, -^^ Grenville's
regiment.' On the final disbanding of his troop he was
given the following certificate by General Fairfax : —
' Captain Jervoise, in the said Brigade (Major-General
Massie's), hath demeasned himself with fidelity & courage
in the Service wherein he hath bin employed, & with fair
& civill carriage in the Disbanding of the said Brigade is
freely dismissed and discharged from his urgent service & is
at liberty to repaire to his owne home or friends.
' Given under my hand & seal the 24th day of October
1646.^ 'T Fairfax.'
^ An interesting sequel to the Civil Wars is the claim of Sir Thomas for
damages done to his properties in different counties, mainly to Herriard which,
owing to its proximit)' to Basing House, suffered to the extent of about j^6,ooo
for corn, cattle and other provisions * commandeered,' out of a total claim of
15,000. An Act was passed in 1649 granting him the estates of John, Mar-
Sir Thomas Jervoise, Kt.
THE JERVOISES
7
Captain Thomas Jervoise married in 1657 Mary, second
daughter of Geo. Purefoy of Wadly, co. Berks, another Parlia-
mentarian family, by whom he had two sons and four
daughters. After his military career was over Thomas took
his part in county affairs as High Sheriff for co. Southampton,
1667, and as one of the two Hampshire members of the
Parliaments of January and August of 1689. His second
daughter, Lucy, married Admiral Killygrew of S. Julias,
Hertford. He was buried at Herriard May 13, 1693.
His eldest son Thomas, born September 6, 1667, took
a leading part in politics. He represented Stockbridge 1691,
and Hampshire from 1698 till 1702, when he was returned
for Plympton (Devon), but was unseated the following year.
It was not long before he was again at Westminster, as he
was returned for Hendon in November 1704. In the follow-
ing year Hampshire again elected him, and he continued to
sit as one of the two members for the county till 17 10,
when he was defeated by a small majority.
His chief work on his Hampshire property was the build-
ing of the present house, completed in 1704. His architect
was Tollman, and it is interesting to find accounts of a journey
to Chatsworth with the object, probably, of seeing the finest
mansion designed by this architect. That it was erected on
a new site is gathered from a note in Thomas's pocket book,
of an agreement ' to dig up ye foundations and rubbish of ye
olde house at 3*^* a load.' The laying out of the park followed
the building of the house.
By his first marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Gilbert
Clarke, he had one son Thomas, who succeeded him in 1743,
and who lived chiefly at Northfield, where he died unmarried
in 1776 at the age of 81. His second wife Elizabeth was the
heiress of Sir John Stonehouse, bart, of Amerden Hall (de-
scended from the younger brother of Sir William Stonehouse
quis of Winchester, who had held out during a siege lasting two and a half years,
until he should be able to recoup the sum of £^^000. In 165 1, however,
another Act of Parliament appointed the estates to be sold by the trustees of the
Council at Drury House as lands forfeited for treason. Sir Thomas now seems
to have done the Marquis a neighbourly turn by agreeing to accept a sum of
6,000, remitting 1,000 of the debt, and using his good offices to obtain the
repeal of the Act, thus saving the estates from being dispersed. After the
* Restoration ' a Bill was brought into the House of Lords for the repayment
of the 9,000 by Thomas Jervoise the son and Robert Wallop, but this was
allowed to drop (Hist. MSS. Comm. House of Lords).
8
THE ANCESTOR
of Radley, the ancestor of the present family of that name),
whose portion of ;^85000 was all in land. Their daughter
Elizabeth married Samuel, son of Sir Samuel Clarke, and to
her son, Jervoise, Northfield and Weoley were bequeathed by
his grandfather, Thomas Jervoise. On succeeding to this pro-
perty he took the name of Jervoise, according to his godfather
Thomas's will. Their son Richard, born 5th January 17OT,
lived chiefly at Britford, co. Wilts, and at one time on the
continent. He married Anne, daughter of Tristram Huddle-
ston of Croydon in 1733, and was buried at Britford in March
1762.
In the large picture painted by Chamberlayne, he and his
wife are portrayed with their two sons, Tristram and George,
and their only daughter Anne, who died in 1758, aged thirteen.
A memorandum tells us that the dog was especially taken up
to London to be introduced into the picture.
His two other sons, Richard and Thomas, predeceased
their father. Tristram, born 1736, lived at Britford, and spent
much money on improving that estate. During his lifetime
the manors of Lasham and Tunworth, co. Hants, were added
to the property ; he repurchased Stratford St. Anthony, co.
Wilts, which had been sold to pay the heavy expenses incurred
by his grandfather in electioneering. In 1767 he was sheriff
for Hampshire ; and dying unmarried in 1794 was succeeded
by his brother in the Wiltshire property, having conveyed
Herriard during his lifetime, in 1792, to his nephew, George
Purefoy Jervoise.
The property of Shalston, co. Bucks, was left to Tristram's
only surviving brother, George (born 1739), ^7 kinsman
Henry Purefoy in 1765, and with it he took the surname of
its late owner. Four years later he married Mary, daughter
of Rev. Wright Hawes, rector of Shalston, by whom he had
three sons and four daughters. In 1795 George resumed the
family name of Jervoise, and on his death at Shalston, 1805,
was succeeded by his son, George Purefoy Jervoise, who re-
presented Salisbury in Parliament for some years and after-
wards Hampshire. He married twice, but dying in 1847
no children ; the Purefoy estate he bequeathed to Elizabeth,
the daughter of his brother Richard who died in the Penin-
sular War, who married Thomas Fitz Gerald, and whose
grandson Richard, lately Commander on H.M. yacht, has
recently assumed the name of Purefoy with the estates.
Thomas Jervoise.
Lady Jkrvoise
Daughter and Heiress of Sir Richard Paulett of Herriard, Kt.
THE JERVOISES
9
The Jervoise estates, according to the entail, passed to his
sister Mary, whose husband, the Rev. Francis Ellis, assumed
the name and was granted the arms of her family, and, on her
death in 1849, to her son Francis Jervoise Ellis Jervoise, the
father of the present head of the family, Francis M. E.
Jervoise, born 1844.
II
Miscellaneous Extracts from Pocket Book of Sir Thomas Jerveys during his
residence at Richmond
1644-S £ s. d.
To Cap* Bruce for 7 pound and a halfe of tobaco the 3 ffeb. 200
To M'- Lacok the 7 day of ffeb. for a weekly dyett and
Chamber rent ..0190
To William Smith for a bottle of sack and a bottle of Claryt
wine the 10 day 030
To him the 1 1 day for half a pint of sack 009
The 1 5 day to the poore at Richmond 010
1645
To the officer at the parlyment house this 16 day (April ..050
Payed to John Galbraith the taylo' for Winifrid's goune the
fry day the 24 Ap whereof 20^ is not to be conted in
this year ....1186
To a constable of Richmond the 27 day for a tax . . . . . o 9 o
To a minister the 26 day 05 o
For my dyner Thursday 7 May 016
Att the Abbey for a seat 9 May 010
Received of M- Guidott by the appointment of William
Guidott the 29 December being parte of my rent att
Birdford 20 o o
Layed out
To Hudson the shomaker the 30 day . . . . . . . . 210 o
Taken out then for my own use 0100
payed that 010 o the 7 day of January for the exposition
upon the bible
payed to Makerell the harnesse maker the 8 day for 2 Coach
harnesse 950
the 9 day of Jan. for Coach hire 030
for my dinner that day 020
payd M""" Lacok this i o Jan for my chamb' my breckfast and 4
pond of candell & a quire of paper .......090
that day for oranges 010
To Willm Smith that day to pay the ferryman at Kew 16*'^
delivered him ...016
that day to one who brought a cheyre for my boy ....020
I came to London Thursday the 19 ffeb.
Received of my wife that day 100
brought up in silver ..130
lo THE ANCESTOR
Layed out ^ s. d.
payed for my dinner the 20 day 030
to Macy the bookseller yt day 030
To a coachman yt day 010
To To : at M""* Lacoth the 21 day for an once of tobaco &
pap' to him that day for cuttinge a pond of tobaco ..010
to William Smith this day for wine oiio
that day for a rod for my pistole 006
that day for a payre of ores at Kew 006
Given to a poor minister the 2 1 day att Richmond ....030
To the ferryman att Kew & to a payre of ores the 23 day ..016
1645
I came up to London 2 3 of Decembre being Tusday
Received of my wife that day 200
Broght up in all 9^3 9
Layd out
23 To Macy the bookseller 010
for a pinte of sacke 026
for my dynner the 29 Day 026
given the 25 day to the house men 060
that day for hire of a coach 030
given away that day for a messenger to Richmond ....020
To Mr. Lacok the 27 day for half a 100 fagott 056
the 27 day for my Chamb*^* 090
To the Barber that day 026
To the ferry man at Richmond that day 010
Sir Thomas Jervois
(From Book in vellum cover of) * Money Sir Rd. Poulett hath delyvered
to M"' Thomas Gervois 30 Maye 42 Eliz. 1600.
Sent him by M'" Samborne on Lamas day being faire at Burford xxx^-
Pd. (in Michaelmas terme) for apparell boughte at his request for
him 1600 7 Oct. to M. Winche for 7 yards of ashcoller
satten to make him a dublet and hose at 14J. the yard . . v"- xviij^- •
Pd. in Chepside then for chaing of ix''- into gold xviij^-
Pd. for 3 yards quarter of clothe to make him a cloke at xy. the
yarde xxxv^-
Pd. for a yard of fine bayes to lyne yt vj^-
Pd. for a booke of humors for him viij^-
Pd. for a paire of Silke Stockings for him xxv*'
Pd. for a shert and a black . . band & cufFes xvj^- ix***
Pd. for a qzteme & halfe of TafFata to face & lyne the skirts of
his dublet v^' iv**-
Pd. for 3 dousen of buttons for yt & his Cloke viij^-
Accounts of money spent on Sir Thomas Jervois pd. out of the yerely Exhi-
bition from M""' Fleetwood general receiver court of wards & liveries by
* James Samborne his tutor.' From J year ending Michaelmas 1 60 1 to
30 Dec. 1606.
THE JERVOISES ii
Receptes £4-9^ o
Paimentes £827 8 6
* so he hathe expended more than his Exhibition as apeareth in particulars in
this book wch he remayneth this 27 December 1606 endebted to me for
beside & all other Recknings dew to me & my wife inst the some of
£33^ 6 6.
Payde to Wrotsly by Me: beside ^£200 pd. by Mr. Irton &
£20 by Mr. Giles Hutchins of Sarum I saye pd. by £ s. d.
me 880 o o
Layd out in his busnes before exhibition ...... 200 o o
III
A true inventory taken of the goods and chatties of S""- Richard Poullett late of
Herryott in the county of South. Knight deceased by virtue of an Ad-
ministracon granted to Dame Lucy Jervoyse the daughter of the said Sir
Richard & now wyfe to Sir Thomas Jervoyse Knight by William Prince
Clement Welsh Thomas Oldes John Sparry & William Waterman.
In the Hall
Item — 3 table boords 2 longe oldfformes& joyned ffoorme and
seaven jond stooles 00 26 8
one lyttle clocke and the frame thereunto . . . . . . . 00 23 4
12 letherne buckets 00 20 00
an old pair of brasse Anndirons, a pr. of iron doggs and a
pr. of tonges 00 10 00
a lyttle standing joyned presse 00 5 00
Two hanging brasen candlesticks an old skreene & a pr. of
snuffers 00 2 00
eight small pictures 00 4 00
In the parlor
Itm. Two table boords & two jffoormes 00 26 8
Six cloth Quyshin stooles
Six needlework Quyshin stooles 00 16 00
An old livery cubbard a presse cubbard and a round table . . 00 1 4 00
an olde hye cheere a stoole and 2 old long Quyshins of black
velvett embroidered with goold 00 33 4
an old couch cheere a ffoorme a lyttle stoole of black velvett
and frynged 00 23 4
Two old hye cheers two lowe cheers and two lowe stooles w*'*-
tawny velvett frynged 00 36 8
one old hye cheere one hye stoole two lowe stooles wrought
with needle workee 00 14 6
Two long neeled woork Quyshins 00 1 5 00
one old long Quyshin of yellow satin embroidered w'''- velvett 00 4 00
one old hye cheer w. red velvett layd on w^**- goold lace . . 00 8 00
one old greene cloth carpett and sixe Turky Quyshins . . . 00 26 8
Thre old long cloth Quyshins 00 3 00
Thre greene say window curteyns and curteyn rods .... 00 3 4
12
THE ANCESTOR
a pair of old brasen and irons a pr. of iron doggs a fj'er shovell s. d.
and tonges a pr. of snuffers a skreene a l)ttle hand skreene
a pair of Bellowes 2 oo oo
Tre little lowe joynd stooles a deske ten picktures a byble and
hollinshud's chronycle 00 33 4
In the Wardrtjpp
Item a low Bedsteed w'- a cann}'pye a long curtej-ne 2 fether-
beds I bolster 2 pillowes 4 pr. of blanketts i greene nigg 8 00 00
Two long Quyshins 00 10 00
Three greene say window curteyns 00 3 00
an old pair of black tuftafaty valens with yellow frjmge ... 00 5 4
a pair of old red vallens with white and an old covering belong-
ing to the same 00 5 00
T\TO red curtejus 00 9 00
One lardge crimson curteyne with goold buttens for a canypie 00 16 00
Six corsletts of old Armor a halbeard a patronell a black bill
with ffower old Jacks 6134
a pillion and an old velvett cloth w'^ the fiirnyture thereunto . 2 10 00
a little cheer for a child 00 2 6
one wooden frame for a cheer 00 i 4
Thre lawe books 00 6 8
one table boord and a matt with a little box and a mesuring
old chajme and an old yellow buckram bed cover with
some other implements of lumber 00 10 o
IV
LETTERS TO GEO. WALSHE
In London, 22 Day of June, Anno Dm. 1537.
Mr. Walshe I send you a letter by Henr^' Horton whiche I knoue well
cam to yor hands for payment of the rest of yor accompt to the hands of my
cosin Sir William Tomyns vicar of Kidderminster whiche is xxvi./i. \-].s. y'lyd.
ob. for the paj-ment thereof Thereof now which I suppose is not don.
Wherin I require you at the syght of this letter ye pay or cause to be paid to
the hands of my said kinsman the said som of twentj^e syxt pounds yj.s. vij.d.
ob. And that I may percp'e by my said cosyn by wrj-tjug that he have re-
cep'ed the said som yf ye refuse this to doo take this for a full perfect answer
and knowledge I will seke remedy accordyng to the Kyngs Lawes whiche ye
force me to doo contrary to that ffrjTidshipe as ye have founde in me whiche
nede not to be rehersed but God send you noo worse fortune then I wold ye
had
Per me Richard Jerveys.
At London the i^th daye of Decemhre, Anne Dni. 1537.
Master Welshe this p to advert}'se youe this ys the thyrde lettre I
have wr^'tten to you for my rent to whome and where ye shulde del)Ter yor
accompt w*^ payment to M'- Vicar of Kydermj-nster whiche ye have refused
nether send hym answer of my lett^' in wrytjTig but a sleveles answer be
'J,
7
51 r-—
I t'^*' vn^vK^ -fo <;
■^•>f -ff?.. r<x>^ ^ittfVf
4*^
1
Pedigree from MS. "Book of Kvidences."
THE JERVOISES 13
mouthe by yor servant the daye have ben ye coulde have wryten very well but
I doo finde the saying of yor kynsman and my fryndes true nevertheless inso-
moche as ye will nether bryng yt nether send yt nor pay yt where I doo
appoynt it a greate lyckly ye intend too pay no rent I trust there be a remedy
by the order of the Kyngs lawe whiche ye doo force me to seke. God willyng
I will so doo. And furder I charge you and commande you ye receyve noo
peny of rent of my tennants from Myghelmas last past forwarde and ye doo at
your perell
By me Richard Jerveys
B
THE ANCESTOR
THE TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY
I
IF all ages have their rascals, there was none perhaps in our
history when they so abounded and flourished as in that
time of revolution, spoliation and general social upheaval
which we term the Tudor period. For the readers of The
Ancestor its chief interest lies in that passing of the old order
which drove the ' ancient nobility,' as they styled themselves,
to revolt, and which involved the rise of the ' new men,'
founders often of houses afterwards ennobled and famous,
upstarts, as they were deemed by the vieille souche^ who
owed their rise to the favour of an upstart royal house.
Not indeed that any one would have dared to call in question
the Tudor pedigree ; its truth was proclaimed by subservient
heralds, who ' found ' pedigrees with equal readiness for their
sovereign, their clients and themselves.-^
Indeed, a passion for pedigrees appeared to have seized
upon the people. In loyal imitation of their sovereigns they
planted family trees, and the newer the lord of the manor the
longer was the pedigree he required. Human nature repeats
itself, and even in the present day the same phenomenon is
observed. But the Tudor squires, or the heralds who aided
and abetted their desires, proceeded to lengths which now, one
hopes, if not unknown, are rare. It is possible indeed in these
latter days to discern, if one may paraphrase the line, ' Shipways
in stones and arms in rafter beams,' but these discoveries are
apt to lead to disconcerting results. Forgery, at least, has an
ugly sound, and although the newest of ' armorial gents ' may
fall at times into bad hands, one cannot imagine him sitting
down to forge charters in cold blood in order to prove that
the founder of his house accompanied the Conqueror to
England.
In an article entitled ' The Companions of the Conqueror '
Compare p. 124 below.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 15
I pointed out that a charter had been forged tor this purpose
in the case of the Mordaunts, and that the earliest portion
of their pedigree in Burke s Peerage rested on this forgery.^
According to this precious document Eustace de St. Gilles
made over to his brother ' Sir Osbert le Mordaunt ' the manor
of Radwellj co. Bedford, which he had received ' by the muni-
ficence of William, most illustrious King of the English, for
the services rendered him in the Conquest by my father and
myself.' In the same article I pointed out how descent from
a follower of William, although so often and so glibly alleged,
was in fact one of the rarest of distinctions, so rare indeed
that it could hardly ever be claimed for a family with success.
This conclusion appears to be the cause of an outburst of
obvious irritation in the article with which the latest volume
(xvi.) of the Surrey Archaeological Collections opens, namely the
'Notes on the Manor and Parish of Woodmansterne,* by
Colonel Lambert, F.S.A. To its statement that ' Radulphus
de [sic] Lambert, son of Regnier (or Ragerinus), fourth son
of Lambert I., Count of Mons and Louvaine, accompanied
the Conqueror to England ' there is appended the footnote : —
It is now demonstrated by the * higher criticism ' that few, if any, families
came over with the Conqueror. That enterprising usurper seems to have
invaded England singlehanded, if indeed the Norman invasion is not alto-
gether an historical fiction (p. 15).
It will doubtless occur to the readers of The Ancestor that the
Norman Conquest may have taken place and an army have
followed William, without that army including of necessity
any person with the impossible name of ' Radulphus de
Lambert,' and also without a family of Lambert being of
necessity descended from that impossible person. There was,
I believe, a Cornish family which claimed descent from a
Roman centurion ; the rejection of that descent can hardly be
said to imply that Julius Caesar never invaded Britain.
My attention being drawn by this footnote to Colonel
Lambert's article, I discovered that it contained transcripts
of several remarkable charters, illustrating and proving the
early pedigree of the Yorkshire Lamberts, from whom,
according to his narrative, the Surrey Lamberts are de-
scended. Here however there is some obscurity, for while
1 Monthly Remezv (June, 1901), p. 107.
i6
THE ANCESTOR
the chart pedigree prefixed to the article begins only, like
that in Burke s Landed Gentry^ with ' John Lambert of
Woodmansterne, co. Surrey, 1301,' the narrative identifies
this John as son of another John, ' who was a citizen of
London, and had estates in Surrey and Norfolk, and in 21
Edw. L . . . granted lands there to the Prior and convent
of Our Lady of Great Massingham,' and affiliates the latter
as a brother of ' Sir Henry Fitz Lambert, and a son of
Richard Lambert, who had an estate in Lincolnshire and
Norfolk/ We thus reach the parent stock of the York-
shire Lamberts, from whom are descended, it is said, the
Earls of Cavan. ,
Now ' the reader is referred,' in the article from which I
quote, to ' " Lodge's Peerage (art. ' Cavan ')," ' among other
authorities ; but there is a discrepancy, at the point of junction,
between the two pedigrees. That of Lodge runs as follows : —
Sir Edmund Lambert
of Skipton
Edmund
Sir John of Skipton
1
Thomas, sheriff" of
London 1221,
ob. s.p.
Richard
Henry-
Sir Thomas * of the county
of Lincoln, who bore the
family arms within a bordure
ingrailed or and died with-
out issue
' 1
When we turn to Colonel Lambert's version below we find
the first John of Woodmansterne affiliated as a younger son
unknown to Lodge, in whose pedigree he does not appear.
Nor does Lodge connect this line of the family with Norfolk
or with Surrey : —
He grants one of the charters to be discussed below.
TALE
OF A
GREAT FORGERY
1
Sir Edmund de
"i/V] Lambert
Thomas, sheriff of London 1221
John
Edmund
1
Richard
17
I
'Sir Henry John of Wood-
Fitz Lambert' mansterne
John of Wood-
mansterne 1 301
1
The point at issue is of some interest to intelligent
genealogists, for it illustrates two of the failings common
to makers of pedigrees, against which they have need to be
more especially on their guard. Of these the first is the
affiliation of an ancestor, or alleged ancestor, as the cadet of
a known house, an affiliation usually hazardous and often
without foundation.^ The other is the strange assumption
that a surname which might originate independently in
several different districts implies the common origin of all
the families which bear it. Heraldry doubtless, or rather the
pseudo-heraldry of ' the decadence,' has here much to answer
for. Families of ' Russell ' or of ' Spencer ' might be as dis-
tinct in origin as families of Smith or Brown ; yet modern
heraldry is based on the dream that they are all akin. This
is no less true ot the class to which ' Lambert ' belongs,
namely that of surnames derived from the Christian name
of an ancestor. In the age when surnames were taking
form there might be found in different parts of the country
individuals who happened to bear the same Christian name,
but between whom of course there was no connexion what-
ever. When the surname of their descendants was formed
from this Christian name it would obviously imply no con-
nexion between the families which bore it.
If illustration be needed of so elementary a conclusion,
the Surrey Lamberts themselves afford it. In modern times,
^ See, for instance, the cases of Russell and of Spencer in my Studies in
Peerage and Family History.
i8
THE ANCESTOR
especially in the eighteenth century, their distinctive Christian
name has been the somewhat uncommon one of Daniel, which
is found in no fewer than five generations in succession. Yet
Colonel Lambert's pedigree of the house shows no connexion
with the ' greatest ' man, in one sense, who ever bore the name,
namely Daniel Lamibert, son of a Daniel Lambert, huntsman
to Lord Stamford, who, according to the Dictionary of National
Biography^ was born in 1770. If even this combination of
names was a mere accidental coincidence, one need hardly
labour the point that the surname Lambert by itself proves
nothing. Every one has heard of Lambert Simnel, and his
Christian name was by no means uncommon in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. In Yorkshire, the county with
which we have to deal, an early example of its use is found
in ' old Lambert ' {Larnbertus senex)^ a peasant, who was made
over with his holding, together with other peasants, in a fine
of 1201.^
Until we are given definite proot that these Surrey
Lamberts descended from a Yorkshire family of the name,
we cannot accept the bearing of that surname in common
as any evidence whatever of a common origin. Of the
alleged younger brother of ^ Sir Henry Fitz Lambert '
Colonel Lambert tells us that —
This John de \jlc'\ Lambert is the first who held lands in Woodmansteme.
The estate was held freely of the Honour of Gloucester and paid no rent or
service. In 1301 ^ John de [sic] Lambert, son of the above, conveyed to
trustees for the use of his son John, who in 1333^ signed a terrier in favour
of his son of the same name (pp. 15—6).
If all this is proved, as alleged, by the family charters, why
is the first ' John de Lambert ' altogether ignored in the chart
pedigree prefixed to the article ^ If I were to say that I do
not believe in the occurrence of either the elder or the younger
' John de Lambert ' in the charters referred to, it might be
thought harsh ; but when I point out that the writer of the
article makes the elder ' John de Lambert ' a brother of ' Sir
Henry Fitz Lambert,' it will at once be seen that he himself
proves what ought indeed to be obvious, namely the impossible
^ Yorhhlre Fines (Surtees Society), pp. 11-2.
^ The footnote appended to these dates runs as follows : * Lambert charters.
(Most of these charters are in the hands of Colonel William Lambert, B.S.C,
. . . others belong to Mrs. Lambert of Bansted, and some to the writer of
this article.)'
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 19
character of the name 'John de Lambert.' This impossible
character is a point of much importance in considering the
earlier pedigree of the family, as we shall see when we come
to deal with it. But at present the point is this : it is not
claimed that the family charters carry us further back than
' John de Lambert of Woodmansterne ' in 130 1 ; it is equally
certain that Lodge's pedigree, based on the earlier charters,
knows nothing of John or of Woodmansterne. How does
Colonel Lambert get across the hiatus ? He asserts that the
above John was son of another John of Woodmansterne, and
that this latter John was a brother of the Henry in Lodge's
pedigree (who appears to have had nothing to do with Surrey
or even with Norfolk). And for neither of these assertions,
so far as I can find, does he even attempt to give any evidence
whatever.
II
The adjacent parishes of Woodmansterne and Bansted
comprised a tract of wild downland to the south-west of
Croydon, on which, it is claimed, the Lamberts have resided
for full six centuries. To Colonel Lambert's article there is
prefixed a tabular pedigree of dimensions quite exceptional in
Archaeological Transactions. No apology therefore need be
offered for commenting on what is published in so conspicuous
a manner. Not indeed that I propose to challenge it. Whether
the pedigree can be proved in its earlier stages or not, it is
perfectly possible that we have here one of those striking
cases in which a house of yeoman stock preserves, century
after century, its close association with a district, its eventual
disappearance in modern times being happily averted in the
case before us by association with the City.
The pedigree in Manning and Bray's Surrey commences,
like that in the county visitation of 1623, with John Lambert,
who bought, in 151 5, Perrots manor in Bansted. Observing
that this John had purchased Shortes Place in Woodman-
sterne in 4 Hen. VIIL (15 12-3), and that Garratts in Bansted
was purchased by his eldest son J<eflFery in 1537 ; and observ-
ing further that John's will in 1533 (the first, it would seem,
of the family wills) proves him to have held lands also in
Coulsdon, Chipsted, etc., we shall hardly be mistaken in con-
cluding that this John Lambert was the founder of the family's
fortunes. And the student of our social history would no
20
THE ANCESTOR
less confidently suggest that he was a successful sheep
tarmer. For, as I have remarked in dealing with ' The Rise
of the SpencerSj' at about the same period, —
There was a time in England, under the early Tudors, when sheep farm-
ing meant a road to fortune, as it did in our own time for Australia's ^ shep-
herd kings.' Those were days when a sheep's wool proved indeed a ' golden
fleece.' ^
Indeed of Woodmansterne, his home, we read in Colonel
Lambert's paper that ' most of the parish was downland, or
sheepwalk, as it was called. . . . In 1635 Christopher Rythe
had a sheepwalk of 350 acres, and Roger Lambert another
adjoining it ' (p. 6).-
It was then the custom for successful sheep farmers to
extend their operations by investing their profits in the
acquisition of more farms ; and it was also customar}' with
those yeomen who did not aspire to found a family of county
rank to bequeath lands to their younger sons. Jeffery
Lambert appears accordingly to have left small estates to
each of his seven sons at his death in 1567. The subse-
quent devolution of these properties may be traced in Colonel
Lambert's paper. The pedigree in ' Manning and Bray '
(ii. 589) is very imperfect and unsatisfactory down to Sir
Daniel Lambert, Lord Mayor of London in 1741, who
bought the family manor of Perrots from his elder brother,
and married a daughter of Mr. John Wilmot, ' citizen and
haberdasher of London.' The manor then descended thus : —
J u d i t h = Edward Lambert
dau. of
* Mr. John
Wilmot,
citizen
andhaber-
casher of
London' ^
of Bermondsev,
' woolstapler,' bur.
Banstead, 1761
Sir Daniel Lambert
Lcrd Mayor 1741.
Bcu?ht Perrcts
Nicholas Lambert = Elizabeth dau.
of London, * citi- of ' Mr. John
zen and vintner,' Carpenter,
1755 citizen and
vintner '
Elizabeth = Daniel Lambert of London,
dau. and | merchant, heir to his uncle
co-heir I Sir Daniel
1 Studies in Peerage end Famihj History, p. 282.
2 Manning and Bray mention the extensive sheep farming at Woodman-
sterne and Bansted less than a century' ago.
^ All these descriptions are taken &om the monumental inscriptions in
Bansted Church published by Manning and Bray.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 21
When t|ie family entered its pedigree at the visitation ot
1623 ^ they appear to have made no claim to arms or crest.^
Subsequently however they are found using ' Gules 3 narcis-
suses argent ' (as Colonel Lambert blazons the coat), arms
which have a curious history. So far as I know, it would
seem, from the evidence generally accessible, that the first
appearance of this coat is as a quartering used by the
Lamberts in the Yorkshire visitation of 1585. The Lambert
coat at that visitation is reproduced, in the tabular pedigree
given in Whitaker's Craven^ from Harl. MS. 1487, fo.
354b, and the true Lambert coat is obviously that which
is shown in the first quarter, viz. ' Gu. a chev. between 3
lambs passant arg., a chief chequy or and az.'^ This some-
what complicated coat is suggestive of a Tudor grant. In the
second quarter is a coat which appears to be ' Gu. an annu-
let (? or) between 3 roses (?) arg.,' which coat is assigned by
Papworth to a Yorkshire family of ' Sipling.' There is little
doubt, I think, that the charges shown are roses ; but in
Dugdale's visitation (1666) they are shown as 6-foils,^ and
the annulet has disappeared. The blazon must have re-
mained uncertain, for the Irish families of Lambert or
Lambart are found using ' Gu. 3 narcissusses arg. pierced of
the field ' (Earl of Cavan), ' Gu. 3 cinquefoils arg.,' and ' Gu.
3 cinquefoils pierced arg.'^ But this coat, as I have shown,
was not a Lambert coat at all. In the Lincolnshire visitation ^
(1592) it is still shown, as in the Yorkshire ones, as the second
quarter, and we only know that the Yorkshire house adopted
it at some period in lieu of their original coat, perhaps as a
simpler and finer one. It is found, according to Whitaker's
Craven^ on the monumental inscription to the last Lambert of
Calton.^
The undifferenced coat, ' Gules 3 narcissusses argent,'
appears on a mysterious ^ brass ' which, in Colonel Lambert's
^ See p. 6 above.
2 According to their visitation pedigree in Surrey Archaolo^cal Collections,
vol. xi.
^ (3rd ed.) facing p. 256.
^ * Whitaker,' as above, from Harl. MS. 1394, fo. 200.
^ Papworth, pp. 861, 872 ; and Burke'' s Landed Gentry,
« Ed. Metcalfe. ^ gee below.
^ Yet John Lambert, described in the pedigree as * of Woodmansterne,'
directs in his will (1533) that he is to be buried in the Qhurchyard of Ban-
stead.
22
THE ANCESTOR
paper, heads the inscriptions in Woodmansterne church.
Unknown, it seems, to Manning and Bray, although its
wording is Latin and in orthodox black letter, it is inscribed,
' In memoriam multorum generum \_sic~\ antiquae Domus
Lambert de Woodmansterne in hac Ecclesia a tempore Regis
Edwardi primi sepultorum ^ quorum animabus propicietur
Dominus Deus.' The closing words savour more of David
Eiginbrod than of the middle ages, while ' generum ' (families)
appears to be here used for ' generations,' a quaint delusion
not unworthy of the Skipton charters at the end of the
paper. It was on the strength of those same charters that
there was erected in the Calton chapel at Kirby Malgdale,
Yorkshire, a monumental inscription to the last Lambert of
Calton, bearing the same undifFerenced coat,^ but worded
in our mother tongue.
He died the 14th day of March in the year of our Lord 1701, being
the last heir male, in whom that ancient family of y® Lamberts in a line from
William the Conqueror (and related to him by marriage) is now extinct.
The rebuff to a ' higher criticism ' which had not then
been born may gratify the Surrey Lamberts, but the closing
words will not.
It appears to be implied by this strange ' brass' that the old
arms of the Lamberts of Woodmansterne were ' Gu. 3 narcis-
susses arg.,' and this is also suggested by Burke s Landed Gentry
(ed. 1894), where the arms are given as 'Gu. 3 narcissus
flowers arg. with a canton or, for difference (added 171 7).'
But ' Papworth ' throws on their origin quite another light,
giving them as ' Gu. 3 narcissus flowers arg. a canton or.
Lambert, London and Surrey. Granted 1737 ' (p. 862),
that is, in the time of Alderman (afterwards Lord Mayor)
Lambert.
The Lamberts had previously usea the undifferenced coat of
Lord Cavan's family ^-jjith the crest of the Yorkshire house^ for it
is found, according to Colonel Lambert's paper (p. 18), on
a ledger stone in Chaldon church to the memory of William
Lambert, who died in ' 1656 ' ; and it figures accordingly in
one corner of the chart pedigree which he gives. When they
were granted a crest they had to take a variety of the centaur
1 It is blazoned by Whitaker as * three cinquefoils,' instead of * 3 narcis-
susses.'
^ Whitaker's Craven (3rd ed.), p. 249.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 23
or sagittary of the Irish Lamberts, which was sharply differ-
enced from the female monster of the Yorkshire house ; but,
on the other hand, in accordance with the practice of the
College,^ they were allowed to bear the coat they had usurped
with only a canton for difference, and thereby to represent
their brand-new coat as a genuine old one to which there had
merely been ' added ' a canton or.
A considerable portion of the article I am discussing
(pp. 14-20) is devoted to a history and description of
'Lamberts Oaks, now "The Oaks,"' the house which gave
its name to the famous race. We read that ' The Oaks
originally belonged to the Clares as part of their manor of
Woodmansterne, and the estate appears to have been granted
to the Lamberts, temp. Henry III., by Gilbert de Clare, Earl
of Gloucester.' Nothing is offered in support of this sug-
gestion, and the phrase that ' the estate was held freely of the
Honour of Gloucester and paid no tax or service ' only
means, I presume, that it was held ' in free socage ' — ' the
great residuary tenure,' as it has been termed.^ What the
' estate ' really was, and what sort of a house there was on it,
one cannot well make out. We read that in later days
' Roger Lambert, the fifth son, inherited the Woodmansterne
estates, and in 1584 removed from Lamberts Oaks to Shortes
Place' ; but as early as 1533 his grandfather (alleged 'of
Woodmansterne ') styles himself in his will ' of^ Banstead,'
where he lived in a copyhold tenement. Lamberts Oaks is
not mentioned again by Col. Lambert as a residence for nearly
two centuries. It seems to have been leased to Lord Derby
about 1760 for ninety-nine years, and the views given in the
article show it as a stately castellated structure 'circa 1780.'
It will often be found useful to refer to the old county
histories for evidence of facts known to their writers, or still
within recollection at the time when they were compiled.
Manning and Bray, for instance, wrote as follows : —
The house called * The Oaks,' a hunting seat of the Earl of Derby and
much enlarged by him, was o?'iginally an alehouse^ and was purchased by
General Burgoyne, who fitted it up, and came to it to hunt and shoot. He
sold it to the Earl, who has inclosed much of the common field, and has
made a plantation two miles round.*
It is to the same worthy authors that we are indebted
1 See The Ancestor, ii. 47. ^ History of English Law, i. 275.
^ The italics are my own. * History of Surrey (1809), ii. 460.
24
THE ANCESTOR
for a glimpse of Camberwell in those now far-off days when
London was largely dependent for its milk on the pastures of
Peckham Rye.^ Writing in all simplicit}' of Lord Llangat-
tock's grandfather, they observe that —
Mr. Rolls vras son of one who liad acquired a large fortune as a cow-keeper.
After expending a great sum. in completing this house (which had been nearly
nnished by his father), raising artificial mounts, planting, etc., he pulled it
down in 1S12, selling in lots the materials as they stood.^
Embalmed in our count)' histories is much ingenuous
information on ' seats ' and those who dwelt therein in the
days when London was roused from sleep by the war-cry of
the house of RoUs.
Ill
We will now turn to the Lamberts of Skipton, the York-
shire house whose supposed arms were assumed by the Surrey
Lamberts, and whose illustrious descent is claimed bv Colonel
Lambert as his own. His pedigree is given in narrative
form, but I here append it in the form more convenient for
reference, tracing it down to that Sir Edmund whom he
makes the grandfather of the first Lambert of Woodmansterne
in Surrey.
* Laiabert I.
Cc-nt of Mons and Louvaine
[d. 1004]
' Reg-nier (or Ragerinus) '
fourth son
I
'Radulphus de Lambert' Peter ce Ros
William de Warrenne ' Hugo Fitz Radulph de Lambert ' = Matilda
' (see charters i, 2, and 3) '
' I - . .1
Roger de BeJ.omonte = Gundreca = William Geofirev ce Manaev:-.e
Earl of Warwick j '(charter 4)' Earl of Essex
'Henry de Lambert,' = Alice
'standard-bearer to
King Henry II.'
'(charters 5 and 6)'
Jo
h n
'(charter 7)'
' Sir Edmund ce Lambert of Skipton '
^ History of Surrey (1902), iii. 398. ^ Jb-^_ {]\^ ^03, note.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 25
This is virtually identical with the pedigree given by
Lodge, save that the latter replaces ' Regnier (or Ragerinus),'
fourth son of the count, by ' Rodolph the third son/ But
Lodge adds the interesting information that the second son
Baldwin was ancestor of the Lambertini of Italy, of whom was
Pope Benedict XIV., ' one ^ of the most illustrious families '
of Bologna. Here, it will be seen, we have a case parallel
to that of the Fitz Geralds and the Gherardini ; ^ the fact that
two families living in different countries were descended from
ancestors who happened to bear the same Christian name was
seized on as proof of a common origin.
I have dealt above with this delusion, but Mr. Freeman
dealt with it so forcibly that it may here be well to quote his
words : —
A man bears as his surname one of the ancient English names which
have gone out of use as English names. He finds in early English history
some one who bears that name as a Christian name. He first mistakes the
Christian name for a surname, and fancies that the ancient worthy bore the
same surname, perhaps an unusual one, as himself Having got thus far, it
would be impossible for any man to keep himself back from the next step, to
refrain from claiming the ancient worthy as a forefather.
Mr. Freeman proceeded to take as an instance ' the myth
of Levinge,' by which that family claimed ' Leovingus, the
Archbishop of Canterbury who crowned Canute,' and
* Livingus,' Bishop of Worcester, as its collateral ancestors.
Of this claim he bluntly wrote : —
What is there to connect them with the house of Levinge rather than the
house of Snooks ? Simply that the hapless pedigree maker, in his ignorance
of the ways of the eleventh century, took their Christian name for a surname.
There is exactly as much sense to connect the modern family ot Levinge with
either of these bishops as there is to connect any family called Edwards or
Edmunds with any of the kings who bore their names. ^
The pedigree with which we are dealing is another instance
in point. An English family of Lambert in search ot a fitting
ancestor pitches upon Count Lambert who lived in 1004 as
the origin of its house and of its name. If they had claimed
that his descendants bore ' Fitz Lambert ' as a surname, that
^ * This account,' we read in Lodge, * was given to Mr. O'Sullivan of
this kingdom by Pope Benedict, who claimed the relationship subsisting be-
tween him and Lambart, Earl of Cavan.'
^ See The Ancestor, i. 1 20.
^ * Pedigrees and Pedigree-Makers ' {Contemporary Review, xxx. 23).
26
THE ANCESTOR
claim would have been logical at least, although such sur-
names, as a matter of fact, did not take form till a later period.
But, unluckily for themselves, they seem to have thought that
' de Lambert ' would sound nicer and more territorial : that
such a name was impossible was a thought that did not trouble
them.-^
But what, it may be asked, were the proofs they produced
of their descent from that ' Radulphus de Lambert ' who
' accompanied the Conqueror to England ' ? Let the ' higher
criticism ' hide its head ! They produced the same flawless
evidence as the Feildings for their Hapsburg pedigree, a series
of original charters — in their own possession. We ought to
feel indebted to Colonel Lambert for clearing up the mystery.
He found in the possession of Sir Arthur Middleton — the
representative of John Lambert, the famous Commonwealth
general, through his granddaughter and heiress — a family
pedigree on which were transcribed forty-two charters, which
were solemnly 'attested at the foot thereof by all three of
the Kings of Arms and by one of the heralds. With these
attestations his paper closes ; for the writer, doubtless, was
firmly convinced that there was nothing left for the ' higher
criticism ' but to ' smile a sickly smile and curl up on the floor.'
A well known antiquary had, it is true, handled two of
the originals of these charters about a century ago, and
bluntly pronounced them to be forgeries. But that rash man
knew not that they had been proclaimed genuine by the offi-
cial heads of that august body, ' His Majesty's College of
Arms.' On this hapless antiquary, therefore, no time is
wasted. Colonel Lambert disposes of him thus : —
The originals, with the exception of Nos. 5 and 8, were in the possession
of Charles Lambart of Painstown, Esq. (a cadet of the Cavan branch of the
family) when Lodge wrote his Peerage. Nos. 5 and 8 were in the possession
of Lord Ribblesdale when Whitaker wrote his {History of Craven, and he
(Whitaker) tries to prove them to be forgeries. (He misquotes both charters,
and bases his objections to No. 8 on the use of the word * Campus,' which,
it will be seen, does not appear in the charter at all).^ He appears to have
been ignorant of the existence of the others ' (p. 26).
1 It would appear, however unlikely it may seem, that they did not see any
difference between *Fitz' and *De.' For the pedigree in the Lincolnshire visita-
tion of 1592 (ed. Metcalfe) runs thus: (i) Hugh Fitz Lambart, (2) Henry
Fitz Lambart, (3) John Fitz Lambart of Skipton, (4) Edmond Fitz Lambart,
(5) John Fitz Lambart, 1247, (6) John de Lambart, (7) Thomas de Lambart,
great-grandfather of Henry de Lambart of Skipton {Genealogist, vi. 263-4).
2 The words within parentheses are a footnote here in Colonel Lambert's
article.
\
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 27
It is precisely ' the others/ the text of which the writer
has now brought to light, that decisively prove the forgery.
But let us first hear what Whitaker himself had to say on
the subject.
A disposition to prefer humble truth to splendid fiction has compelled me
to assign the last place in this account to the following circumstances.
If we are to yield implicit assent to the common accounts of this family,
their origin must be allowed to be very ancient and even more than noble. It
is said that Radulph de Lambart was a companion of the Conqueror, and was
father of Hugh, father of Sir William, who married Gundred daughter of
William, Earl Warren, by Gundred, daughter of William the Conqueror ; Sir
William and Gundred had Henry Lambart standard-bearer to Henry II., who
married Alice, sister of William de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, and had issue
John, who resided at Skipton, and Sir Edmund, whose grandson John lived at
Long Preston, and had Godfrey, who had John, married to Elizabeth daughter
of Giles Whitaker, Esq., by whom he had Thomas Lambert of Skipton.
The former part of this descent is sufficiently magnificent, but c/ouds and
darkness rest upon It. It is well for the compilers however that their authorities
are yet extant.^
Whitaker then proceeds to quote from the two original
charters of those on which the pedigree is based, and com-
ments on them as follows : —
It now remains to be seen whether these instruments will bear the critical
fan.i
I here quote side by side with his extracts the text of these
charters as given by Colonel Lambert.
Whitaker
Pateat me Robert' de Rumlee, mili-
tem, libere donare dil'o cons'o meo
Edmundo de Lambert, militi VI bov.
ter. in Skypton, juxta campum dicti
Edm'i, Test. Gab'r de Stapleton,
Antonio de Lambart, Henr. Mydelton,
Wyllmo de Bushford et al. Seal, a
lion circumscribed. Sigil. Walteri
Mal.
Colonel Lambert
Pateat universis ad quos hec presens
\stc\ pervenerit me Robertum de
Rumleij militem libere donare di-
lecto consanguineo meo Edmundo de
Lambart milite \sic\ sex carucatas terre
in Skipton teneud' de me et meis a
Deo grate [!] prout ego teneo meas
terras de rege nostro in cujus rei testi-
monium ego predictus Robertus de
Rumley \sic\ sigillum meum apposui
his testibus GabrielF Stapleton An-
thonie \slc\ de Lambarte Henrico
Midleton Willmo de Rushford cum
multis aliis. Dat' in die sancti
Thome Apostoli &ca.
History oj Craven (1805), ist ed. p. 184.
28
THE ANCESTOR
Henricus &ca. Sciatis me conces-
sisse et hac carta confirmasse Henrico
de Lambart vexillifero meo et Alicie
de Mandevile uxori ejus partitionem
de terris in com. lEverw.' fact' inter
eos et monachos de Sc'o Sancto et P.
de Saltmers. His test. Rogero archiep.
Eborac. et Roberto ep'o Lincoln, et
Ric. de Chanvilla, et Jocel de Balolio,
et Roberto Clifford, mil. Apud Cas-
trum de Leir.^
Henricus . . . Sciatis me conces-
sisse et hac mea carta confirmasse
Henrico de Lambarte vexillifero meo
et Alicias de Maundeville uxori ejus
partitionem illam de terris in comitat'
euerwycke fact' inter eos et monachos
de Sancto Sancto [!] et Petrum de
Saltmarshe militem. Quare volo . . .
His testibus Rogero, Archiepiscopo
Eboracensi et Roberto Episcopo Lin-
colniensi et Richardo Chavilla et
Jovell de Balliolo et Roberto Clifford
milite apud Castrum de Leir.
Whitaker's objection to the first charter is that its hand-
writing is that of ' the reign of Henry III., whereas the
supposed grantor lived in that of the Conqueror ' ; that the
addition miles is an anachronism ; that the word campus is
wrongly used ; that ' six oxgangs are here granted, but it
appears from the papers of John Lambert, now before me,
that the property of the family at Skipton, held under the
castle, was only two oxgangs, for which they paid a rent sec ot
xii. d.' ; that the names of the witnesses are not such as occur
in charters of the period ; that they ' are none of them names
of Craven families ' ; that the seal is not that of the grantor ;
all which, with one other, make eight objections in all.
Whitaker's conclusion was as follows : —
And now, if the reader's faith in these proofs of the early magnificence of
the Lamberts be shaken, and if he be further disposed to enquire where were
the estates which enabled the family to match with a sister of Mandevile Earl
of Essex ; or by what circumstances they were reduced to a few oxgangs at
Skipton, he may be reminded of the innumerable causes of mutability in all
human things, and the great deficiency of family evidences at that early period.
But an easier solution of the difficulty remains by ascribing these docu-
ments, the genuineness of which is contradicted by such a body of evidence
within and without, to a crafty and aspiring lawyer in the reign of Henry VIIL,
who, not content with having raised his family to opulence, might resolve to
dignify their early history by alliances with the ancient lords of Craven.
In his second edition (1812) Whitaker thus maintained
his ground :
With respect to the two charters on which some persons have grounded
their opinion of the early consequence of this family, I have already given
several reasons, not one of which has been refuted, to prove that they are for-
geries. I think so still, and in place of a very long investigation (longer by
^ The three letters in special type represent ' Old English ' ones.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 29
far than the subject deserved) shall now content myself with saying that one of
them, to a critical eye, manifestly appears to be written on an erasure ; and
that from the Roll of Thomas Lord Clifford, 15th Henry VI., it may be
proved that Winterwell Hall itself, the possession which first brought the Lam-
berts to Skipton, was then, and not before, granted to one Joan (the name is
worn out in the MS.). Since the first edition of this work was published I
have met with some charters drawn by John Lambert, who in his earlier days
was a scrivener, in which he availed himself of his antiquarian knowledge to
copy the formulae of more ancient times. What he is known to have done in
the course of business he was able to do out of vanity or whim ; and it may be
some consolation to his friends that whatever such a forgery detracts from his
honesty is to be added to his skill.
The rental of his paternal property was no more than j^io is, 6d. The
whole of which he died possessed, in or about 1569, was ^^125 6s. zd. . . .
and the man who in an age when there was no commerce augmented his pro-
perty in a twelvefold proportion cannot have been wanting in diligence, dex-
terity, or good fortune (pp. 196-7).
It is no answer to say that Whitaker ' misquotes ' the
charters,^ for he took his text from the professed originals,
while Colonel Lambert had only before him the transcripts of
those charters on the pedigree. But this point need not be
pressed, for the text given by Colonel Lambert is even more
damaging than that which Whitaker supplies.
Robert de Rumelli, lord of Skipton, was contemporary, if
not with the Conqueror, at least with his sons ; for his daughter
and heir was in possession of his fief not later than 1120.^
This being so, his alleged charter is seen to be a clumsy for-
gery, which any one with the slightest knowledge of these
matters would detect at once* Apart from the reasons given
by Whitaker, the anachronism of the dating clause would con-
demn it instantly, while his alleged kinsman Edmund ^ de
Lambart ' actually figures in the family pedigree several gener-
ations later ! If the charter professes to grant six ^ carucates '
(not ' bovates ') it only makes the matter worse ; and as for the
text, its grammar and construction verge on midsummer
madness.
The alleged charter of Henry II., if not so wild, is bad
enough ; Whitaker pitched, of course, as a critic, on ' Roberto
Clifford milite,' and according to Colonel Lambert there is
another miles in the charter. But why dwell on these points
^ See p. 1 3.
2 He was dealt with by Whitaker and by Mr. Stapleton (in his paper on
Holy Trinity Priory, York), and quite recently by Mr. Holmes in his Chartu-
lary of St. John of Pontefract, pp. 392, 413.
C
30
THE ANCESTOR
when ' monachi de Sancto Sancto ' is found in both versions,
although no human being could make sense thereof ?
But let us come to grips with the imposture. To do so I
fix at once on charter ' No. 5.' This is the charter that is
meant to prove the Mandeville alliance. By it William de
Mandeville, Earl of Essex, confirms to John ' de Lambart,' son
of Henry ' de Lambart,' and of Alice the earl's sister, ' et suis
omnibus [sic] ilia tenementa que Gaufiidus de Maundevill comes
frater mens eis dedit^ in villis de Euerwyke, Skipton, et
Broughton [sic\' etc. This is decisive. It proves that the
forger actually imagined Earl William to have inherited the
Skipton fief from his brother, instead of which he only held it
in right of his wife. Consequently Earl Geoffrey had no more
right to make grants in Skipton or Broughton (which was
part of the Skipton fief) than I have. The relationship was
this : —
Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex
Henry de Lambart = Alice Geoffrey de Mandeville William de Mandeville = Avicia
I Earl of Essex, ob. s.p. Earl of Essex, ob. s.p. Lady of
Skipton
yohn de Lambart
The italicized names are those supplied by the forged charters,
which prove in Colonel Lambert's words that 'Henry de
Lambert . . . married Alice, daughter of Geoffrey de Man-
deville, Earl of Essex' (p. 15). As the brother earls shown
above both died without issue, and as their great fief passed to
the descendants of their aunt, the alleged pedigree is thereby
further shown to be false.
We can now make merry over the remaining charters
which are here so rashly exposed to the attentions of the
' higher criticism.' Five of them relate to gifts to the Abbey
of St. Guthlac of Croyland, of which the name is imperishably
connected with the forgeries of the pseudo-Ingulf. That of
King Henry II. appears to have a double purpose : it was
intended to support the Mandeville match, and at the same
time to prove that Henry ' de Lambart ' was then the king's
' standard-bearer,' an honour which even now is sometimes
coveted or claimed.
The forger, having thus provided himself with an ancestor
^ The italics are mine.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 31
who bore the king's standard, resolved upon a higher flight.
Long before the days of Dumas and of Mr. Stanley Weyman
the vision of single combat dazzled the romancer's eyes. The
forger decided to despatch his standard-bearing ancestor to
Scotland, apparently as an envoy, and to make him abandon a
duel which he was to have fought with Alexander ' de ' Oli-
fard, by permission of the marshal of England (a title then
unknown), at the instigation of the Scottish king, who, safe-
guarding the ' dignity ' of the combatants, decides that they
shall shake hands and swear to be good friends ever after.
All this is made to happen in 11 67. The forger was liberal
with his ' de,' which he not only claimed for his ancestors, but
placed (wrongly) before ' Olifard,' ^ and even, in the charter of
Henry II., before ' Lister,' intending, doubtless, to gratify a
neighbour.
One cannot do justice to this concoction without quoting
its essential portion : —
Talis facta est compositio inter Henricum de Lambart legatum ab Anglia
et Alexandrum de Olifard militem quos ad Judicium finaliter per me fiend'
Henricus Rex Angliae [j^V] totaliter referebat in causa duelii ipsis concessi per
marescallum Anglie propter quasdam accusationes per unum adversum alt'rum
habitas et fidei interpositione utrinque affirmata scilicet quod coram me veniet
uterque eorum armatus paratus ad congressum et me suadente totam calum-
pniam quam quisque habebat adversus alterum confestim deponet et remittet
ex corde et dignitas utriusque salva erit et jungent dextras et super Evangelia
jurabunt se in eternum futures veros amicos salva officia quod [j/V] seorsim
gerunt adversus [sk] regem suum.
A dreary and a bungling forgery at best. If the artist had
only enjoyed the advantage of consulting Madox's Formulare
he would have made a better job of it ; but, as it was, he filled
his documents with dog-Latin renderings of the language of his
own day. And every one of the nine documents is tarred with
the same brush, for ' de Lambart ' appears in all. What of the
thirty-three others, of which we have not yet been privileged
to see either the originals or the transcripts ? That originals
there were we know from Lodge, who states (i. 344) of one
of these charters containing the ' most solemn benediction ' of
Robert, Bishop of Lincoln in 1 1 64, that ' the original, now
upwards of 600 years old, with the seal of white wax of a
bishop in his pontificals ... is a great curiosity, and was in
the hands of the said Mr. Lambart.'
He also makes a * David de Olifard ' a vv^itness.
32 THE ANCESTOR
I have used the phrase ' a great forgery ' as iustified not
only by the number of the documents, but by the fact that
pseudo-originals, with seals attached, were produced. But the
forgery also attained greatness by imposing on all the official
heads of the College of Arms, to say nothing of one of the
heralds. Their attestations, as I said above, are printed by
Colonel Lambert. Garter Segar formally attests : —
. . . hanc sntiquam genealogiam Equestris familis Lambertoram vidi et
approbavi.
Camden, as Clarenceux, commits himself to the authenticity
of the charters : —
. . . ocuiis meis vidi evidentias et chartas antiquas ex qnibus haec gene-
alogia autentice probatur quod non potui non testari eandemque manus meas
subscriptione approbare.
St. George, as Xorroy, recognized the charters, seals and all,
as genuine : —
. . . et vidi et perlegi scripta autentica cum sigillis appensis antiqua hujus
familia ' [sic'\ et nominis Lambertomm tangentia, in fide et attestatione quonim
manum meum apposui.
Treswell, Somerset, brought up the rear : —
Ego Somersett Heraldus ad anna genealogiam hanc antiquas Lambertornm
familice et specificatas evidentias quam verissime [!] approbatam attestor.
Somerset, I presume, was the herald specially employed in
the business, and Treswell, the College might say, in the words
applied to Beau Brummel's tie, was ' one of our failures.* For
its members have always been acutely alive to one another's
infirmities. Of Treswell, we find. Noble writes : —
He was a ver^- troublesome, disagreeable member of tiie College, always
engaged in something which involved him in misfortunes . . . The College
were so disgusted with his and York^s conduct, that May i6, 1620, they
complained of them as common disturbers of the peace of their society.
December 4., 1621, he and York . . . were sent to the Marshalsea.^
By a curious fatality ' Somerset Herald ' seems to have
proved an unfortunate title down to quite recent times. I
am only speaking of course of past members of the College.
For instance, when the eighth Duke of Somerset succeeded
his kinsman in the title (1750) a pretender seems to have
started up, backed by the then Somerset Herald, Warburton
^ History of the College of Jrms, p. 211. He was however praised by
Dethick for his skill.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY 33
by name. The Duke's agent wrote that Garter Anstis — for
whose work on seals . and charters we have cause to be
thankful — was giving him his assistance —
in order to detect the attempt to impose the false pedigree on the Crown. It
was made out by one Warburton, Somerset Herald ; he is a man of very in-
different, if not bad, character ; one that is not at all agreeable to his grace of
Norfolk, nor to himself, and that he would be glad of having out.
The writer, proceeding on the sound principle of setting
a herald to catch a herald, applied to Anstis to find him
' an honest man * in the College : —
As I apprehended this Warburton would be there, by Mr. Anstis's recom-
mendation, one Mr. Pomfret, another of the Heralds' office (superior in know-
ledge and an honest man), attended to prevent Warburton's imposing on the
Attorney . . . This pedigree they have trumped up is, I think, a forgery, for
Warburton must know it is false, and therefore wilful, and as it cannot be sup-
ported but by oath, it must be introductive of perjury. He must know it to
be false, because, etc., etc.^
If the College resents these revelations it has only itself to
thank.
But, it may be said, all this happened long ago. Why revive it ? The
answer is that it has become absolutely necessary to insist upon these facts
since the appearance of the present attempts to exalt the paramount
authority of the officers of arms and of their records.^
When the author of Armorial Families admits that without the
help of a member of the College he could have ' done but
little,' and, in return, ' does poojah ' at the shrine, we are forced
to examine, in a phrase of *X,' ^ his little tin gods.' ^ When
we are assured by the same writer that —
the public never hears of the hard work, the careful and minute examination
of pedigrees, the safeguards against mistakes, or of the endless labour and re-
search which, without fee or reward [!] or any publicity, different Officers of
Arms undertake and perform, and have done for ages past,^ in order that they
may record or make accessible facts and evidence which will perhaps be wanted
in the future,^
it becomes desirable that ' the public ' should learn something
of the true character and value of these records.
^ Annals of the Seymours (1902), p. 523. This is an interesting addition
to the history of the College of Arms.
^ Studies in Peerage and Family History, p. 309.
^ The Right to Bear Arms, p. xiv.
* The italics are my own. ^ The Right to Bear Arms, p. 181.
34
THE ANCESTOR
The critical treatment of the Heralds and their so-called * records ' has
been made necessary by recent attempts to exalt the authority of their docu-
ments and to terrorize the public in the matter of arms by crude and violent
language.^
It is natural in view of the stress laid on the authority of
these documents that Colonel Lambert should appeal to the
verdict of the Kings of Arms on a pedigree and the evidence
supporting it as decisive. But what their witness really proves
is the worthlessness of such authority. When the three Kings
and Somerset Herald attested the Lambert pedigree it was in
the days when the British Solomon rejoiced in his descent from
' Brute the most noble founder of the Britains,'^ even as his pre-
decessor had exulted in her heraldic pedigree from Adam.^ What
have heralds to do with history ? What with facts ? Among
their dead legends they linger still. For Burke s Peerage^ as
we know. Ingulf is no forgery ; for the officer of arms, Geoffi-ey
of Monmouth is no mere romancer. From his sacred cell he
supplies the arms of King Guiderius or of King Coel,* or gravely
attempts a pedigree of King Arthur in the best style of the
Heralds' visitations.^ The college of augurs, as Mr. Barron
would say, retains its ancient reputation : Plus fa change plus
cest la meme chose.
J. HORACE ROUND.
NOTE
Much light is thrown upon the pedigree of Lambert of Banstead by the
will of John Lambert of Banstead, the first ancestor assigned to the family in
the Heralds' Visitation. It is a characteristic will of a copyholder of the yeo-
man or substantial husbandman class. It is to be found in a register of wills of
the Archdeaconry of Surrey (45 Heats). The will is dated 19 June 1533,
and was proved 4 August 1533. No title of gentleman is assumed by the
testator or applied by him to any of his kinsfolk, although the title is used by
him when he refers to the overseers of his will, who as was customary at that
period are people of superior rank and influence, being in this case members of
the gentle families of Scott of Camberwell and Skinner of Reigate. The tes-
tator desires to be buried by his children in the churchyard, and not in the
church, of Banstead, again a significant point, for the gentry of his time sought,
in the great majority of cases, burial within the church. His wife Joan is to
have the occupation of his dwelling house in Banstead, a copyhold messuage,
and as his lands belonging to it in Banstead are insufficient to maintain the said
^ Studies in Feei'age and Family History, p. xv.
2 Ibid. p. xi. ^ See p. 124 below.
^ TIhe Ancestor, ii. 192. ^ Genealogist (1902), xviii. 215.
TALE OF A GREAT FORGERY
house, he adds a rent charge of 40J. out of Perrott's Manor, which manor he
In a set of Chancery proceedings [C^an. pro, Jac. I. L \^ we are given a
view of the rise of another branch of the Lamberts of Banstead which may be
set beside Mr. Round's story of the rise of what we may consider as the main
line of a family, probably a numerous one in the parish and neighbourhood.
On 12 November 1622 is filed the bill of complaint of John Lamberte, an
infant of 16 years of age, who is represented by Thomas Laycocke, gent., the
second husband of his mother Jane. The defendants, whose answers are dated
23 January and 6 February i62f, are the complainant's uncles Andrew and
Roger Lambert. In the complainant's bill is set forth the story of his family.
Andrew Lambert, his grandfather, was a yeoman living in Banstede, a copy-
holder of Sir Nicholas Carew's manor there, and in 14 Elizabeth the said
Andrew surrendered his copyhold to the use of himself and his wife Mary for
life, with remainder to his heirs for ever. Andrew Lambert had issue by Mary
his wife five sons — Edward, John, Francis, Andrew and Roger. Of these sons
John goes to London and betters himself, becoming an officer of the king's
payhouse, and by reason of such service entitled to write himself * gentleman,'
a title which is applied to none other of his family. The said Andrew is de-
scribed as * takinge greate comforte in the hoapefull and honeste course of John
his second sonne, who was marryed and had yssue (the complainant) in the
life tyme of his father Andrewe, and had attayned twoe good places of office
and service in his majesties howse and lived in good credit and reputation and
did manye tymes supplye the wants and necessityes of his aged father and was
a greate staye and comforte unto him in his olde and decayinge tymes.' Out
of this regard of old Andrew for his son John, the hopeful Joseph of the family,
springs the suit in Chancery, for Andrew is said to have surrendered copyhold
land to the intent that John should have the reversions after his parents' death.
John Lambert died in May 16 18, his relict and son protesting that they were
then left in poor estate and without any means, and Roger the youngest son of
Andrew, whom his brother John had advanced as an apprentice, is recognized
by the steward of the manor as the copyhold heir of his father Andrew.
gives to his younger son Roger.
O. B.
36
THE ANCESTOR
DOCTOR AND PATIENT IN 1621
When the artless Doctor sees
No one hope, but of his fees.
And his skill runs on the lees.
Sweet Spirit, comfort me !
Herrick.
AMONG the families that emerge during the period of the
Heralds' Visitations is one named NicoUs, in Northamp-
tonshire and Leicestershire. Of their origin nothing is known.
In the pedigrees the first ancestor assigned to them is a vague
^ NicoUs del North/ temp. Edward IV. , who settled at Ecton
in Northamptonshire. Far away in the Severn valley about
that time the last Lord Lovel conveyed to a retainer of his, a
man named Wright from Yorkshire, a small property, which
passed, with Wright's daughter, to another NicoUs ; and their
descendants several generations later convinced Dugdale, at his
visitation of Shropshire, that they were of the same stock.
William Nicolls, the actual founder of the family in the
shires, died in 1576, and was buried at Hardwick near Wel-
lingborough, at the age, it is said, of ninety-six. There is
reason to believe that this is an exaggeration ; but in any case he
did not live long under Edward IV. His will was proved at
Peterborough by his grandsons. An inquisition shows that he
had interests in the manor and advowson of Clay Coton, one-
third of Hardwick, the manor of Ecton, and property in
Stanwick, Clipston and Newbold.
Thomas Nicolls his son died eight years earlier, aged
thirty-seven. He was a reader of the Middle Temple, and
resided at the rectory house of Pytchley. He was jointly
interested with his father in most of the properties above
mentioned, and held besides the advowson of Haughton
Magna, a lease of the other share of Hardwick, property at
Lilbourne, and a moiety of the manor of Dewlish, with other
property in Dorset, as his will shows. His wife Anne,
daughter of Thomas (not John) Pell, married secondly
Richard Purefey of Faxton. Thomas Nicolls left four sons
and three daughters. Francis, the eldest, was of Hardwick,
DOCTOR AND PATIENT IN 1621 37
and is said to have been governor of Tilbury Fort in 1588,
when Queen Elizabeth reviewed the troops assembled to repel
the Spanish invasion. To the three silver pheons of the
visitation coat he added a quarter or canton — ^which has been
strangely represented as an honourable augmentation. His
only son was created a baronet in 1641 ; but upon the death
of the third holder in 1717 the baronetcy became extinct.
Sir Augustine, second son of Thomas NicoUs, was a judge
of the common pleas, and died while on circuit at Kendal in
1 6 1 6, at the age of fifty-seven, under circumstances detailed in
Sir James Whitelocke's Liber Famelicus, He married a
widow, and having no children of his own, left his seat of
Faxton to his nephew the baronet. Lewis NicoUs, the third
brother, made a will early in 1586, ^ being bound for Barbary
in the affairs of his master, Mr. Richard Gore,' proved in Nov-
ember 1592, when the judge benefited to the extent of 1,000
or so. The three sisters were Susan wife of Robert Manley of
Sprotton, Anne wife of Edward Heselrigge of Thedding-
worth, and Margery wife of Michael Purefoy of Drayton or
Muston.
William Nicolls esquire, the youngest son of Thomas,
married Joyce daughter of George GifFard of Bottlebridge,
by whom he had several children. Under the will of his
brother the judge he took two-thirds of the manor of Hal-
stead, and of the parsonage of Til ton, with lands also in
Whatborough and South Marefield, in tail male, and fixed his
residence at Halstead. In 1621, when upwards of fifty, he
was suffering from a painful fistula, and came up to London
for treatment and relief. The surgeon he consulted was one
Thomas Gillam, or Gilliam, ' a professor lawfullie authorised
in surgery,' as he describes himself; and one result of the
journey was a Chancery suit, the pleadings in which supply
the particulars that follow. As often happens, they throw an
interesting side light upon the domestic life of the time ; but
readers should remember that each party is no doubt making
the most of his case.
In the first place we find the patient striking a curious
bargain with his medical man, who undertook to treat the case
for £,S^i patient stayed in London ; but if he went down
to the country, ' forasmuch as he should loose his practise,'
stipulated for ^100^ namely ;^20 in hand and ;^8o when the
cure was perfected. The surgeon adds that he was to be
38
THE ANCESTOR
allowed all charges of travel there and back, being seventy-five
miles from London ; but that point the patient omits. The
parties agreed upon these terms. Gillam received £^ los,
down, and the balance of the £20 on arrival at Halstead about
the end of August ; and subsequently drew another ^^50 on
account. But the patient, being dissatisfied with the result,
sues for the return of his money ; while the defendant claims
to be entitled to ;^30 more, with £12 for his travelling ex-
penses, and estimates the practice lost in consequence of his
absence at £2^0.
The plaintifF s bill tells, as usual, a piteous tale. First he
complains that his medical attendant ' grewe negligent, spend-
inge a great parte of his tyme in Innes and Alehowses, and in
needles ioyneying abroad.' Not content with that, after he
had brought his patient ' to that state that he was not able to
stirre of of his bedd, presumeing that plaintifF, knowinge his life
to be in Danger, would sooner parte with anie money then
parte with him,' he pretended urgent business in town. ' He
had left his wife to receive severall summes in London, and
she had writt word that she could receive none, and he must
needs goe ' to see about it himself. ' Uppon notice whereof,
plaintifF beinge much displeased, he sayd, yf plaintifF would
lett him have ^^50, He would not leave plaintifF, noe not for
£SOO^ untill he was willinge.' So the £^0 was handed over ;
but so far from keeping his word, this heartless creature ^ one
fortnight after pretended that he had received other letters,
and soe left, and came to London, onely protestinge that he
would come againe within 10 dayes, which he did not, but
came within 16 daies.' This sounds bad; but the plaintifF
forgets (as plaintiffs do) to mention that meanwhile he was left
in charge of one Mr. Napkin, ' a very able surgeon,' with
directions for his treatment ; and that Gillam paid this sub-
stitute £1^ out of his own pocket.
Perhaps all this friction and worry was not very good for
the fistula. At any rate Mr. NicoUs was brought ' to that
state that in 1 6 dayes he did never eat one bitt of bread nor of
meate, nor dranke one draught of beare,' and puts it all down
to ' such thinges as he gave ' him. We should like to know
what his diet consisted of during the interval. Finally 'on
the seaventeth day ' Gillam ' most barberously left and went to
London,' not without a parting interview. ' Att what tyme
plaintifF asking whether he had tryed the uttermost height of
DOCTOR AND PATIENT IN 1621 39
his skill, he acknowledged that he had, and doubted not that
that he had done, and the direction he had lefte, would perfect
the cure ' ; and when ' plaintiff asked, yf that fayled, what
satisfaccion he should have for the ^^70, he answered, he would
referr himselfe to plaintiff.'
Needless to say Gillam, in his answer, puts a very different
complexion upon the case. According to him, he ' found the
disease to be dangerous, and a very doubtful and hard Cure.'
He treated it * with much diligence in three moneths, during
which he was for one moneth with plaintiff ' ; then ' having very
necessary affayres, and the Consent of plaintiff,' left him for a
fortnight in charge of Mr. Napkin, and came to London ; ' and
afterwards Continued with him about 4 monethes more, and did
much benefitt ' the complainant. Very full details of the
treatment are added, not exactly suited perhaps for the general
reader, though they might prove of considerable interest to
the faculty.
The charge of neglect and misbehaviour is of course indig-
nantly denied. Defendant explains that, * after he had Care-
fuUie dressed plaintiff, the season being very Cold, and there
being but one fyer in one Chimney Chamber, and little fyer in
the plaintifF s howse but the kitchin,' he ' went abroad for his
recreation and healthes sake.' That the patient was reduced
to a very weak state is admitted. But he ' never gave unto
plaintiff anie other receiptes then was thought fitting, and was
necessarie ; by reason of which gyven and applied, plaintifF
Could not but grow very weake, neyther Could plaintiff receave
anie perfect Cure without.'
It is singular that the parting is alleged by the plaintiff to
have taken place upon the seventieth day, and the sum re-
ceived was £'-]o ; while Mr. Napkin was paid for a period
variously stated as fourteen or sixteen days. Defendant how-
ever puts the period of his attendance at seven months in all,
not counting his fortnight's absence.
If a dispute about money matters was really the occasion
of his final departure, neither party thinks fit to mention the
fact. Defendant's story is that ' divers urgent matters gave
occasion of necessity ' for his return to London ; and that
again he had the plaintiff's consent. He adds that within the
fortnight he ' sent one of his servantes, whom defendant knew
to be very sufficient, and did gyve him directions what to doe.
But plaintiff, finding himself much eased, refused to deale anie
40
THE ANCESTOR
further touching the Cure, saying he would have nothing more
donne untill he Came to London. Whereof Defendant was
very gladd to heare ; and did by letter signifie soe much, and
requested him to lie at Defendant's howse without anie Charge.
. . . And since Complainant is Come to London, he hath sent
intreating him, if he were not perfectly Cured, that he might
perfect the same. For he latelie Cured one which was afflicte
with the like disease, and tooke noe other Course. But Com-
plainant refused, and in steed of thanckes hath in great furie,
in fowle and very uncivill speeches, much abused Defendant,
and indevoured to doe Defendant more preiudice than the
money Cann requite.'
In spite of the benefit derived from Gillam's treatment,
"William Nicolls did not live much longer, but died in Septem-
ber 1625. His widow married again, and lived to make a
will in 1 66 1, which was not proved until 1666. Her second
husband was Roger Burgoyne esquire, of Wroxall and
Honiley in Warwickshire, and of Sutton in Bedfordshire, who
died in 1636 ; but had no children by him. He was a
widower, and father of Sir John Burgoyne baronet. Augus-
tine Nicolls, the eldest son of William and Joyce, died in
1639, leaving an only daughter, Elizabeth, who married
Thomas Hackett of North Crawley, Bucks. She was repre-
sented by the Carews of Beddington. Their younger
surviving sons were William and Francis, of whom the former
married and had issue. They also had five daughters : Mary
married Andrew Halford esquire ; Anne was wife of William
Brooke, or Brookes, of Haselor ; Frances died young ; Eliza-
beth seems to have had two husbands named Orton and
Goldsmith ; and Jane was wife of Humphrey Parrott esquire.
W. H. B. BIRD.
Phoio by li 'alker &■ Cockerel.
Sir John Doddridge.
( From his poytrait in the Xatioital Portrait Gallery.)
SOME PORTRAITS AT THE SOCIETY OF
ANTIQUARIES
Sir John Doddridge
IN 1884 the Society of Antiquaries acquired by purchase
the portrait of Sir John Doderidge or Doddridge. Ade-
quate reasons for this purchase were given by the Earl of
Carnarvon in his speech from the chair in that year, when he
referred to the foundation of the Society. He stated, on no
less an authority than Spelman, that in 1589 its members
resolved to apply for a Charter of Incorporation, and for some
sort of public building where they might meet and have a
library. A petition for this purpose is among the Cotton
MSS. in the British Museum, and it is signed by Sir Robert
Cotton, Sir John Doddridge and Sir James Lee. The case
thus stated was sufficiently plausible to justify the Council in
availing themselves of the opportunity of buying the portrait
of one of the signatories, Sir John Doddridge. In any event,
they had added to their collection the presentment of one
who, to quote the noble lord in full, ^as author of works
on the Earldom of Chester, Duchy of Cornwall and Princi-
pality of Wales, helped to further and foster those studies
and pursuits for the promotion of which this Society was
incorporated.'
Sir John Doddridge was born in 1555, educated at Exeter
College, Oxford, graduating in 1576-7, and entering the
Middle Temple at the same time. He was at different periods
Prince Henry's Serjeant, Solicitor-General, Member of Par-
liament for Horsham, Sussex, and Justice of the King's
Bench from 1612--28. He was knighted in 1607, and was
married three times, but left no issue.
His character, to judge both from his portrait and con-
temporary remarks, must have been remarkable. Bacon writes
with reference to the Peacham case that Doddridge ' was very
ready to give an opinion in secret,' while, when the great
writer heard him plead at the Bar, he is said to have remarked :
' It is done like a good archer, he shoots a fair compass.'
Fuller observes that 'he held the scales of justice with so
4»
42
THE ANCESTOR
steady a hand that neither love nor lucre, fear nor flattery,
could bow him to either side,' praise hardly borne out by his
notorious conduct in the commendam case, or in the famous
case of the five knights, where he is supposed to have said,
' The king holds of none but God.* Indeed, subserviency to
the king was a dominant characteristic, and truly, there is
something in his face which gives the lie to Fuller's praise.
From a habit of shutting his eyes while listening intently
to a case, he acquired the sobriquet of ' The Sleeping Judge.'
He was the author of a number of works published after
his death, of which the chief ones are mentioned in Lord
Carnarvon's speech above.
Two portraits of Sir John Doddridge are here reproduced.
One is surrounded by a painted oval, and is consequently the
larger (2 ft. 5 J in. by 2 ft.), though the scale is the same. This
portrait is also more vigorous and vivid in the painting. One
sees a man of great intellectual power, strength, and perhaps
some brutality. The same man is seen in the other picture ;
yet how different are his qualities in degree. His is a
smoother, less incisive personality ; even his garments are less
shapely and brilliant. This, we take it, is the fault of the
artist, who was evidently a copyist of an inferior kind. The
copy (or what we consider to be the copy) is owned by the
Society of Antiquaries, while the original belongs to the
nation. The copy is reproduced in colours. The artists of
both are unknown.-^
^ His name has been very prominently mentioned in the House of Lords,
this very year, before the Committee for Privileges. The Great Chamberlain-
ship of England was again in dispute before the House as it was in 1626, when
the judges were called in to give their opinions. On that occasion the Lord
Chief Justice and the Lord Chief Baron held that this great office could pass
by a private entail, and that it therefore belonged to De Vere Earl of Oxford ;
but * Mr. Justice Doddridge,' with two of his fellows, held that it could not
be entailed away from the heir-general, being akin in character to an earldom
held under a charter. Doddridge's view therefore prevailed, and his judgment
on that occasion, which is abstracted in Collins' precedents, was deemed of so
much importance in the recent proceedings that Mr. Cripps, K.C., on behalf
of the Duke of Athol, read it out in full to the Committee. The counsel for
the Crown also held Doddridge's reasoning to be sound, though, like other
judges, he was misinformed as to the facts. — J. H. R.
44
THE ANCESTOR
Richard III. (No. XX)
To the reader of letters and memoirs this portrait of
Richard III. is well known. It has been engraved several
times : once by the Reverend Thomas Kerrich (who be-
queathed it to the Society) for vol. v. of the Paston Letters,
Another engraving has been given by Sir Henry Ellis in vol.
ii. of the third series of his Original Letters^ and a third one,
by B. H0II5 forms the frontispiece to Jesse's Memoirs of King
Richard III, It is more than worthy of being reproduced
here once again, for it is undoubtedly an extremely fine piece
of characterization. The king seems to be looking earnestly
forward, while playing with the ring on his finger. His eyes
are pale grey, and the expression of his countenance is tense ;
his lips are compressed and very thin. Though young the
face is bony, and the chin is not so crooked as is usual in his
portraits. The general colouring is somewhat brown ; there is
gilding on the chain and cloak. The whole has been carefully
drawn, and is painted on a panel \i\ inches by 8 inches, with
an arched top. On the frame, which corresponds to the
one for the Society's portrait of Edward IV., is inscribed :
RICHARDS REX TERTIUS.
King Richard III.
D
46
THE ANCESTOR
Charles, Comte de Flandre (No. XLI)
This beautiful picture, sometimes wrongly entitled ' Charles
the Bold of Burgundy when a Child,' is one of the finest in
the collection of the Society of Antiquaries. It is an excellent
French painting, somewhat in the style of Janet ; the drawing
is strong and clean, and the colouring is a most delicate har-
mony of silvery grey, brown and white. The expression of
the eyes and the curious short chin characteristic of babyhood,
are given with lifelike accuracy, as any one who has studied
the proportions of a child's face will discover. The face is not
unlike that of Francois II. when young ; the hypothesis that
it represents Charles of Burgundy is at once contradicted by
the dress, which is obviously of later date. It is exquisitely
painted ; the fine black rings with which the white ground is
patterned, the transparent muslin apron, the cap, the silver
rattle, and, above all, the bird and the little fat hand that holds
it, combine to make it a masterpiece of that style of por-
traiture.
It is painted on a panel of 11,2 inches by inches. On
the back is pasted a large sheet of paper, with the evidently
erroneous account of the picture in partly obliterated French,
The names of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, Isabell
of Portugal, are interspersed. In another place is written
' Antonij Amarossin,' and in another, 'No. 393. John Thane,
Rupert St. 1744/
Charles, Comte de Flandre.
48 THE ANCESTOR
No. XXXIX
It would be a great gain and pleasure to the members of
the Society of Antiquaries if a name could with solid historical
reason be affixed to the little circular picture here reproduced.
Perhaps some reader of The Ancestor may recognize and prove
it to be the scion of some weU-known ancient house. There
is happily no doubt about the date of it, ^Anno being
writ large on the background. On the other side is
^ETA' SUE 45, and round the frame is a Latin distich. It
represents a man with a fine reddish beard and markedly
aristocratic features, wearing a close-fitting black dress
curiously guarded with silver lace, and jewelled ring hanging
by a black ribbon round his neck. The expression of the
face is strong yet gentle, and very thoughtful. It is painted
in miniature style, and the diameter is 6§ inches.
ESTELLE NATHAN
Unknown Portrait.
No. XXXIX.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR OF
CHANCERY SUITS OF THE TIME OF
CHARLES 1.
Carpenter v. Tomkins
Q,\ Bill (2 June 1632) of Joan Carpenter of Brierley in the parish of
Limster, co. Hereford, widow.
Answer and demurrer (28 Sep. 1632) of Thomas Tomkins and Henry
Tomkins, his son and heir apparent.
Concerning a sum of 100/. which by the bill is alleged to have been
entrusted by John Tomkins, since deceased, the father of the compt.,
to the defendant Thomas Tomkins his son. The defendants say that
the said Joan rekased all claims upon them by a quittance dated 26
May 8 Car. I., and that the suit is begun without her consent by her
son Richard Carpenter, ' a very turbulente and contentious person.*
Canner and others v. Bissell
Q\ Bill (5 July 1 641) of John Canner of Tewkesbury, co. Glouc,
hosier, and Anne his wife, Richard Cave of Worcester, mercer, and Alice his
wife, and Richard Jones.
Answers (13 July 1641) of John Bissell and (6 Oct. 1641) of the said
John Bissell joining with Anne his wife.
Concerning the estate of Edward Moore of Worcester, draper, who
made a will 13 Dec. 1628, whereof Eleanor his relict renounced
execution. The compt. Richard Cave obtained letters of administra-
tion in the Consistory Court at Worcester. Anne the defendant is
daughter of William Gibbs of Worcester, gent., by Eleanor his wife,
daughter of the said Edward Moore. The said Canner and Cave are
brothers-in-law and their wives were two of the residuary legatees of
the said Edward [and probably his daughters].
Cary and another v. Russell and others
C-|- Bill (29 Nov. 1 641) of John Cary of Marybone Park, co. Middlesex,
esquire, and John Williams of the Inner Temple, London, esquire.
Answer (25 Nov. 1641) of Boys Ower of Minster, fellmonger, and
Henry Huffam of Preston near Wingham, yeoman (defendants with John
Russell of St. Peters in Thanet, yeoman).
Concerning leases in the manor of Minster in Thanet, co. Kent,
whereof the complainants are seised.
49
so
THE ANCESTOR
Cox r'. Sandys and others
C\ Bill (14 July 1 641) of Charles Cockes of the Middle Temple, London,
esquire.
Answer (14 Aug. 1641) of William Sandys of Flatburie, co. Worcester,
esquire, and (4 Aug. 1641) of William Steede, LL.D. (defendants with
William Say, esquire).
Concerning the manor of Atchlench, co. Worcester, leased 24 March
I & 2 Philip and Mary by the Dean and Chapter of Wells to Sir
John Bourne, knight, for 99 years, which lease is now come to the
complainant.
CUDMOORE v. NOTT
C-1- Bill (18 June 1632) of Robert Cudmoore, of , co. Devon,
bailiff of the hundred of Black Torrington.
Answer (i Sep. 1632) of James Nott.
Alleged misconduct of the defendant's son John Nott, now deceased,
when in the service of the complainant.
Cooke v. Tracy
Ci Bill (19 June 1632) of William Cooke of Corse, co. Glouc, yeoman.
Answer (5 Oct. 1632) of Sir Robert Tracy, knight, for himself and for
Merriall Tracy his daughter (an infant under the age of nine years).
Concerning a statute or recognizance of 1000/. acknowledged by the
complainant to one Nicholas Tracy of Tewkesbury, esquire, and dated
3 June 20 Jac. I. Nicholas Tracy is dead and since his death his
executor Thomas Tracy alias Thorne is dead also, whose executrix is
the defendant Merriall Tracy. William Cooke of Eldersfield and
Richard Cooke were sureties for the complainant, whose wife and
children are spoken of. Thomas Thorne left a mother Elizabeth
Thorne.
Clarke zf. Godfrey
Ci Bill (15 May 1632) of Francis Clarke the elder of New Sarum, co.
Wilts, woollen draper, and Sara his wife, one of the daughters of Richard
Godfrey late of New Sarum, fishmonger, deceased, for themselves and for
Francis, Thomas and Richard their sons, and for Sara, Katharine and Mary
their daughters, being infants within age.
Answer (8 Sep. 1632) of Anne Godfrey of New Sarum, widow, relict and
extrix. of Richard Godfrey.
Concerning sums of money which Richard Godfrey paid to the com-
plainant Francis for his advancement in his trade. The defendant
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 51
pleads that the complainants stand excommunicated and are convicted
as popish recusants. A certificate of the sub-dean of Sarum is attached
certifying to that effect. Richard Godfrey left two daughters at his
death, whereof the complainant Sara is the elder. The defendant is
her stepmother.
Chamberlayn v. Pike
Further answer (10 April 1630) of Richard Pike, defendant, to the
will of Elizabeth Chamberlayn, a widow.
Concerning the debts of the defendant's late husband.
CouLEs V. Blackstock
C-i- Bill (23 Oct. 1632) of Thomas Coules of London, mercer.
Answers (3 Nov. 1632) of William Geery of Grays Inn, esquire, (6 Nov.
1632) of Zachary Blackstock of St. Leonard's in Shorditch, gent., and (5 Nov.
1632) of William Page of the Pipe Office, gent.
Concerning a mortgage of lands in Crixton, co. Somerset.
Carsewell v. Applebee and others
Cy^^ Bill (29 June 1641) of John Carsewell of Shiffnall, co. Salop, gent.
Answer (28 Sep. 1641) of John Applebee and Jane his wife and Thomas
Feassey.
Concerning the estate of Richard Amyes or Amies, deceased, father of
the defendant Jane.
Thomas Amyes the grandfather
and guardian of the children of
Richard Amyes =
Thomas Feassey
of Priors Lee,
uncle to Richard,
Mary and Jane
Amyes
u.
= Richard Amyes = Mary Carsewell:
of Prior's Lee,
CO. Salop, died
intestate about
22 years since
married
23
to
Amyes.
about
years since
Richard
Died
: William Catton
of Prior's Lee,
gent., married
about 15 years
since
John Carsewell
of Shiffnall,
gent., the
compt.
4 years smce
Richard Mary
Am yes Amyes
an idiot
Jane Amyes
wife of John
Applebee
John Amyes a posthumous
son of Richard Amyes.
Died of the falling sickness
within a year of his mo-
ther's death
52 THE ANCESTOR
Cage v. Cage
C-j^ Bill (22 Nov. 1 641) of Robert Cage of Hornemead, co. Hertford,
gent.
Answer (23 Nov. 1641) of Philip Cage, father of the complainant.
Concerning the lands in Norfolk which Elizabeth mother of the com-
plainant had from Robert Thorneton her father.
X Robert Thorneton Daniel Cage
I. I u.
Elizabeth Thorneton= Philip Cage= Alice Wood
A settlement after this
marriage was made by
her husband and his
father of the manor of
Robert Cage the Hornemeade
compt. son and
heir
Clench f. Bogas
Cj^ Bill (20 June 1632) of Almott Clench, esquire.
Answer at Tivetshall, co. Norfolk (4. Oct. 1632) of Anne Bogas, widow,
and Robert Bogas, gent, (defendants with John Bogas, gent.).
Concerning the manor of Braham alias Brantham, co. Suffolk, which,
as the complainant alleges, was conveyed by fine and by indenture
dated 1 5 Nov. 1 2 Jac. I. by Robert Bogas, esquire, now deceased, to
John Clench, esquire, the complainant's late father, who died about
four years since.
Robert Bogas esq. long since dead, who
was seised of the manor of Braham.
His widow Anne survived him and
married one Downes, whom also she
survived=
Robert Bogas esq.=Anne John Bogas, gent
son and heir, died relict
about a year since
Ro
jert Bogas, gent.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 53
COLLYN V. RoLLE
Bill (16 June 1632) of Robert CoUyn of , co. Devon,
yeoman.
Answer ( 1632) of Robert Rolle of Heanton, esq., and Sir Samuel
RoUe, knight (defendants with Robert Kendall).
Concerning a messuage called Nether Brandon with lands in Liskeard,
CO. Cornwall, of which Robert Collins, the compt.'s grandfather, is said
to have been seised in fee.
Chapman v. Froggatt
C^ Bill (28 June 1641) of Humfrey Chapman of Baslow in Bakewell,
CO. Derby, yeoman, son and heir of Godfrey Chapman of Baslow, deceased.
Answer (4 Oct. 1641) of Thomas Froggatt of Calver, co. Derby, yeoman
(defendant with Anne Chapman, mother of the complainant).
Concerning a loan of 50/. to the complainant's father.
CouRTHOPE and another v. Smith
C-^ Bill (12 July 1 641) of Peter Courthope and Walter Burrell, esquires,
exors. of Timothy Wyat, widow, who was extrix. of Francis Wyat, gent., her
late husband, late of Redsall in Puttenham, co. Surrey.
Answer (23 Oct. 1641) of Anthony Smith of Whitley, co. Surrey, gent.
Concerning a lease from the defendant to the said Francis Wyat,
dated in April 10 Car. I., of a forge and iron work in Whitley and
Thursley, co. Surrey. The said Francis died in the following
December.
Cooke v. Slade
Cj^g- Bill (19 June 1632) of Abraham Cooke of Shepton, co. Somerset,
clothier.
Answer (5 Oct. 1 63 2) of Henry Slade of Ham, co. Somerset, yeoman,
son and exor. of John Slade of the same, yeoman, deceased.
Concerning copyholds in Pulton and Shepton Mallett, co. Somerset.
Henry Slade married Mary Cooke, the compt.'s daughter, with a
portion of 200/. The said Henry Slade hath since, as the compt.
alleges, brought his wife to strange distempers of mind by his unkind
usage and his unnatural and unbeseeming carriage, and has left her
unprovided with food or raiment. John Slade died 7 years since,
leaving Katharine his widow, Mary his first wife being dead 30 years
since. The defendant says that he became a suitor to the said Mary
about 1 1 years since by motion of Thomas Cornishe, brother-in-law to
the compt., and says that it was concealed from him that the said
Mary was troubled before her marriage with the falling sickness, and
he denies ill usage, but says that before her marriage the said Mary
was ill used by the compt.'s wife, her stepmother. The defendant has
issue by the said Mary two children — John and Mary Slade.
54
THE ANCESTOR
Chamberlayne zf. Newdegate
Bill (30 Nov. 1632) of Richard Chamberlayne of Temple House,
CO. Warwick, esquire, and Hugh Audleye, esquire.
Answers ( ) of John Newdegate, esquire, and ( ) Robert
Newdegate his brother.
Concerning a settlement of the manor of GrifFe and Coton, co. War-
wick, made by John GifFard of Chillington, co. Stafford, esquire, lately
deceased, by deed indented dated — [3] October 21 Eliza, made be-
tween (i.) the said John GifFard and (ii.) Joan Bradshaw of Noke, co.
Oxford, widow, and Benedict Winchcombe of Noke, gent., and (iii.)
Sir Walter Aston of Tixall, co. Stafford, knight, John Talbott of
Grafton, co. Worcester, esq., Edward and Humfrey GifFard, gentlemen,
and William Hill, yeoman, in consideration of a marriage afterwards
solemnized between Walter GifFard, son and heir apparent of the said
John GifFard, and Philippe White, one of the daughters and heirs of
Henry White, esquire, then deceased, whereby the said manor was
settled to the use of the said John and Joyce his then wife for their
lives, with remr. to their heirs male, and further remr. to the heirs
male of Sir Thomas GifFard, father of the said John, efc. The said
John GifFard and Joyce died about August 1 1 Jac. I. Peter GifFard,
son and heir of Walter, with Frances his wife, were parties to a fine
in Easter term last, of the manors of GrifFe and Coton and Chilvers-
coton, ^-Z^-., quitclaimed the same to the complainants.
Cockayne and another e'. Howard
Cj^ Bill (27 Jan. 1 63 J) of Charles Cockayne of Ruston, co. Northants,
son and heir of Sir William Cockayne of London, deceased, and William
Bossvill of Hanginge Grimstone, co. York, gent., tenant of the said Charles.
Answer (22 Oct. 1632) of the Lord William Howard and the Lady
Elizabeth his wife.
Concerning a moiety of the manor of Hanging Grimston, whereof the
compt. Charles is seised, and the customs of the manor.
Carpenter zf. Tyther
Bill (13 Feb. 162I) of Robert Carpenter of Hartbury in the
county of the city of Gloucester, gent., and John Carpenter of Norton, co.
Glouc, yeoman.
Answer (5 June 1639) of Edward Tyther of Gloucester, gent., and Anne
his wife, who was relict and extrix. of John Rogers, gent., whose will is dated
I o Aug. 1 1 Car. L
Concerning the will of John Rogers, deceased, and his legacy to John
Rogers his son by the defendant Anne, who made the compt. parties
to a trust by her indenture dated 23 Jan. 12 Car. L before her re-
marriage. Arnold Rogers, a son of John Rogers, is named as being
dead at the time of that indenture.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 55
COVENEY V. MOUNTNEY
C-^ Bill (15 July 1 641) of John Coveney of Hastingleigh, co. Kent,
yeoman.
Answer ( ) of Benjamin Mountney of London, and Mary
his wife.
Concerning a lease made 27 July 9 Car. I. to the compt. by the
defendant Mary, then Mary Eastday of Canterbury, widow, of a
messuage stand in St. Mary's parish in Romney Marsh.
Cole v. Madocke
C^ Bill (16 July 1 641) of Richard Cole of Aveton GifFord, co. Devon,
gent.
Answer (18 Oct. 1641) of Henry Madocke of Brent (defendant with
Thomas and Richard Madocke of Brent, co. Devon).
The defendant Henry was surety for the other defendants in the
matter of a debt of 50/. The said Thomas and Richard were sons of
another Richard Madocke, and the wife of Richard the younger is
spoken of. The defendant Henry says that of the defendants Thomas
has forsaken his country and is insolvent and Richard lives six and
twenty miles away and is little worth and hardly to be found.
Caldicott v. Blake and others
C-^ Answer (i May 1930) of Sir William Blake, knight, William Rolfe
and George Lowe, esquires, Richard Gurnard v. Henry Jackson, defendants to
the bill of Matthias Caldicott, esquire.
Concerning the will of Henry Smith of London, esquire, deceased,
whereof the defendants are executors.
Clarke v. Fitton
C-/^ Bill (26 Nov. 1629) of Raphe Clarke of Chesterfield, co. Derby,
gentleman.
Answer (9 April 1630) of Benjamin Fitton, gent, and Margaret his wife,
of Marston, co. Line.
Concerning the sale by the defendants to the compt. about 9 years
since of their moiety of a messuage in Holliewell Gate in Chesterfield
and of their fifth part of a messuage in Tibshelfe, co. Derby, with a
warranty against themselves and Thomas Watson, brother of said
Margaret.
Chave v. Chave
CJ^ Bill (24 Nov. 1629) of Joan Chave of Uplowman, co. Devon,
widow, relict of Philip Chave of Uplowman, husbandman, deceased.
Answer (26 Nov. 1629) of William Chave, son of the said Philip Chave.
Concerning a messuage and lands in Uplowman called Beare, which
56
THE ANCESTOR
the said Philip by deed indented I o Jan. 1 2 Jac. I. demised to the
defendant William and his wife Susan for their lives. The said Philip
made his will about six years since giving legacies to his eight other
children. Agnes, daughter of the compt., was residuary legatee with
her mother.
Clowes v. Brooke
Bill (26 Nov. 1 631) of Thomas Clowes, citizen and sadler of
London.
Answer (6 Dec. 1631) of Roger Brooke.
Concerning trade matters. The complainant for the space of twenty
years hath used the trade of a milliner in the Royal Exchange, and
the defendant is a workman that maketh cabinets, cases and other
things which belong to the complainant's trade.
Collins v. Berkeley and others
Cgig- Bill (20 June 163 1) of Hugh Collins, clerk, rector of Compton
Pancefoote, co. Somerset, and Margaret his wife, relict and extrix. of William
Rosewell of Yardington, deceased.
Answers (29 Sep. 163 1) of Sir Henry Berkeley, knight, Thomas Brooke
and John Redwood (defendants with Dame Anne, wife of Sir Henry, James
Morren, Edward Davies). In the bill Redwood is called Rideout, and is
described as exor. of Gabriel Pinder.
Concerning the estate of William Rosewell deceased. The com.pt.
Margaret described herself as * aged and of a good disposition easie to
be wrought uppon.* She was sister to Tristian Sadburye who demised
to her an estate in certain messuages and lands in the manor of Fox-
combe and Galhampton, co. Somerset. William Sudborough was to
enjoy a messuage and lands in Galhampton for life.
Cranley v. Cole and others
C^ Bill (8 Nov. 1 631) of Thomas Cranley of Oxenborne, co. South-
ampton, gent.
Plea and demurrer ( ) of Francis Cole of London, merchant,
and Robert Marston, gent., the defendants.
Concerning money matters. The defendants plead that the compt.
on Monday before the feast of St. Wolstan the Bishop was duly out-
lawed at the suit of Robert Valence in a plea of debt.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR
Clobery and others v. Manaton and others
57
CgV Answer (2 June 1631) of Ambrose Manaton, esquire, defendant
(with John Hanys and Edward Roberts) to the will of John Clobery, esquire,
and Sibil Woode, widow.
Concerning the estate of Henry Trecarrell, esq., long since deceased.
Henry Trecarrell of Trecarrell, esquire
1
1
Jane
1.
Katharine
Elizabeth
1
Loar
dau. and co-heir
dau. and co-heir
dau. and co-heir
died s.p.
dau. and co-heir
John Trelawny
deceased=
Arthur Kellye
esquire, heir of
Jane Trecarrell
John Harrys
heir of Katherine
Trecarrell
Sibil, dau. co-heir Elizabeth, dau. and
(relict of John co-heir, deceased.
Wood) CO - heir late wife of John
with her sister of Clobery, esquire
Loar Trecarrell =
Christopher Clobery
CoE V, BURRE
C-1-
Bill (20 June 163 1) of Richard Coe.
Answer (4 Oct, 1 631) of Anthony Burre.
Concerning two pieces of meadow land in Bastwicke, co. Norfolk,
which the compt. alleges were conveyed in 34 Eliz. by John Burre
to Richard Coe, compt.'s grandfather.
Richard Coe
John Burre
Henry Coe, son and heir=:Elizabeth=Anthony Burre
made a will in Feb. 161^
died 2
years
since
son and heir,
the defendant
Richard Coe the
complainant
THE ANCESTOR
Chapman and another v. Chapman and others
C-gV Bill (2 Feb. i6f|) of William Chapman and Richard Chapman,
aldermen of Bath, and Richard Gay of Newton St. Loe, gent.
Answers (6 Apr. 1630) of Joan Chapman of Bath, widow, and George
Mompesson, gent., and Eleanor his wife.
Concerning the estate of Walter Chapman of Bath, alderman, who
died leaving a will dated 1624, whereof the compts. were exors. with
one John lies of Beckington, since deceased. Joan the defendant is
relict of the said Walter, and Eleanor the defendant is his daughter.
The said Eleanor had legacies from Mrs. Rogers of Bristol, deceased,
and Mrs. Licence of Bath, widow, deceased, who was her grand-
mother.
Collier v. Collier and others
C-^ Bill (i 5 May 1628) of William Collier of Pudletrenthid, co. Dorset,
esq.
Answers (3 Oct. 1628) of Edward Collier of Minterne, gent., and his son
Richard Collier (defendants with William and Richard Lockett).
Concerning a debt of the defendant Edward who borrowed 200/. of
William Lockett in Jan. 6 Jac. L The said Edward Collier is uncle
and was guardian to the compt. who was nephew and next heir to
Henry Collier, esq., who made a will about 6 years since.
Christmas v. Strode
C-3^^ Bill (29 April 1631) of Richard Christmas of Broadsidling, co.
Dorset, gent.
Answer (21 June 1631) of Sir Richard Strode of Chalmington in Catstock,
CO. Dorset, knight.
Concerning a judgment which the said Sir Richard obtained against
the compt. in the Court of Common Pleas in Trinity term 2 1 Jac. L
Callow v, Bradford
C^ Bill (30 April 1629) of John Callow of Somerton, co. Somerset,
innholder.
Answer (6 June 1629) of William Bradford and John Bradford his son.
Concerning a mortgage in Somerton made by compt. to Thomas
Bradford of Somerton, now deceased. William Bradford of Loade, co.
Somerset, yeoman, the defendant, is brother and next heir of the said
Thomas Bradford, who died about 1 8 months since. The complainant's
wife is mentioned.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 59
Chamberlayne and others v. Wills
Cg^ Bill (9 Feb. 1 6|^) of Abraham Chamberlaine the younger, Thomas
Marsham and Thomas Chamberlayne of London, merchants.
Answer (10 Feb. i6f§) of William Wills.
Concerning ships called the Benediction and the Anne sent from the
port of London to trade upon the Guinea coast.
Culpepper and another v. Presse and others
C-^ Bill (7 May 1630) of Sir Thomas Culpepper of Fogington, co.
Sussex, knight, and John Reade, citizen and carpenter of London.
Answer (25 May 1630) of William Taylor, citizen and mercer of London,
and John Burges (defendants with Henry Presse, gent.).
Concerning a loan to the complainant Sir Thomas.
Clopton v. Barnardiston
C-^ Bill (24 June 1631) of Walter Clopton of Fordham, co. Cambridge,
esquire.
Answer (7 Oct. 163 1) of Dame Anne Barnardiston, widow.
Concerning the manors of Kentwell and Monks Melford, in Long
Melford, co. Suffolk, whereof Sir William Clopton, knight, died seised.
Barnardiston = Ann
the relict, the
present defendant
.1.
Sir William Clopton
1
Walter
of Long Melford,
knight, deceased =
William Clopton
son and heir, died
s.p. soon after his
father
of Fordham, esq.
the compt.
Sir Simonds D'Ewes=Anne Clopton
knight heir of her
brother
CoppiN and another Coleman and others
C^y- Bill (i I Nov. 1 631) of Robert Coppin, citizen and merchant taylor
of London, and Henry Brayton of Bradfield, co. Berks, gent.
Answer (11 Nov. 163 1) of Samuel Coleman of Brent Illeigh, co. Suffolk,
6o
THE ANCESTOR
gent, (defendant with Robert Rolfe of Nedginge, co. Suffolk, gent., and
Elizabeth his wife and Joane Rolfe).
Concerning a lease of the manor or late priory of Kersey, co. Suffolk.
The defendant Joane is late wife of Robert Rolfe, esquire, father of
the defendant Robert Rolfe.
Carre v. Creake
C-3V Bill (17 June 163 1) of Thomas Carre of Hopton, co. Suffolk,
mason, and Elizabeth his wife.
Answer (4 Oct. 163 1) of Henry Creake of Stratford, shoemaker.
Concerning messuages and lands in Stratford, co. Suffolk, late of Robert
Brett, deceased, grandfather of the compt. Elizabeth.
Thomas Brett
John Brett Robert Brett of Stratford, co. Suffolk:
son and heir will dated i6 Feb. 1596:
died s.p.
heir of his brother |
1.
Thomas Brett
1 1.
Margaret Brett William Brett
Katharine
1
Anne
son andheir=
eldest dau. and died s.p.
Brett
Brett
extrix. She and
1
her two sisters
were all married
before 23 Dec,
Eliza
Deth, dau.
3 Jac- I-
and heir, wife of
Thomas Carre
Clare v. Porte
C^ Bill (23 May 163 1) of John, Earl of Clare.
Answer (28 Sep. 1631) of Robert Porte of Ham, co. Stafford, esquire.
Concerning freehold lands and copyholds of the manor of Yoxall, co.
Stafford, of which Thomas Salt of Yoxall is said to have died seised.
The defendant denies that he or Anne his wife are co-heirs of the said
Thomas, as is alleged in the bill. The said Thomas by his will de-
vised certain messuages and lands to Dorothy, now wife of Thomas
Draper, gent., for life with remr. to the defendant.
Thomas Salt Elizabeth Salt, wife Prudence Salt,
of Yoxall of William Higges, wife of Booth,
died about 9 sister and co-heir sister and co-
or 10 years heir
since
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 6i
Calley V. Allen and others
CJ^ Bill (3 June 163 1) of Sir William Calley of Burdroppe, co. Wilts,
knight, and William Calley, Esq., his son and heir apparent.
Answer (13 July 163 1) of Ralph Allen, brother and heir of William Allen,
esq., a bachelor, deceased, who was son and heir of Sir William Allen, knight,
a Lord Mayor of London, and (10 Oct. 1631) of William Hamond, brother
of Edmund Hamond,
Concerning the conveyance to the compts. of the moiety of the
manor of Fiddington, co. Wilts, by the feoffees of Henry Long of
Whaddon, co. Wilts, esq., father of Walter Longe, now of Whaddon.
Corbet v. Johnson
Q-^a Bill (10 May 1630) of Robert Corbet of Colchester, co. Essex,
clothier.
Answers (26 May 1630) of Thomas Johnson of Long Melford, co. Suffolk,
clothier.
Concerning trade matters.
COCKETT V. NeaST
C^3 and Q-^^h Bill (26 June 1629) of William Cockett of London,
gent.
Answer (10 April 1630) of Edward Neast, gent., defendant.
Concerning the marriage portion which the compt. had with Frances
his now wife, who is sister to the defendant and daughter of one John
Neast, gent., dead about 3 years since, who was married to the compt.
when this defendant was but a young man. The marriage was solem-
nized about 1613 or 161 4.
Cockett v, Webb
C-^a Bill (26 Feb. i6|-^) of William Cockett * one of the gentleman
ushers quarter waighters in ordinarie to our soveraigne lord King Charles.'
Answer (10 Apr. 1630) of Anthony Webb of Tewkesbury, co. Glouc,
gent.
Concerning a bond given about 1 2 years since by the compt. 's father-
in-law, John Neast of Eldersfeild alias Elsfeild, co Wore, gent., now
deceased, to the said defendant. The complainant once dwelt in
Worcestershire and since hath dwelt in the city of London. Edward
Neast, gent., is eldest son to the said John Neast, whose widow was
his extrix.
E
62
THE ANCESTOR
CoGAN V. HaMOND
Replication of Henry Cogan, esquire, to the answer of Cordwell
Hamond, defendant.
Crowcher v. Wright
C^- Answer (lo Feb. 1641-) of Henry Wright, defendant, to the bill of
George Crowcher.
Concerning a croft called Peartree Croft whereof Thomas Crowcher,
the father of the complainant, was seised, who, by his deed of feoff-
ment, 26 Jan. I Car. I., thereof enfeoffed Henry Wright, the late
father of the defendant. The said Henry Wright the elder made
the compt.'s mother Elizabeth, since deceased, an estate in the said
ground for her life.
CoLLYN V. Edmonds and others
C-jig- Answer and demurrer (7 May 1646) of Henry Edmonds, one of
the defendants to the bill of Matthew Collyn, compt.
Answer (7 May 1 646) of William Essex, another defendant.
Answer (13 June 1646) of Henry Edmonds.
Concerning a conveyance of lands made by the defendant Henry
Edmonds and his brother John Edmonds, now deceased.
Croke v. Croke
C^ Plea and demurrer (12 Feb. 164I-) of Mercy Croke, widow, de-
fendant to the bill of Christopher Croke, John Croke, Mary Croke, Rebecca
Croke and Ruth Croke, complainants.
Concerning the child's portions of the complainants, who are sons and
daughters of Roger Croke, who left Walter Croke his eldest son as his
executor. The compts. are said by the defendant to be all infants,
Christopher and John only excepted.
Crooke v. Hill and others
C^ Answer (11 Feb. 164-I) of John Hill, a defendant to the bill of
Charles Crooke, D.D., complainant.
Concerning tithes in the defendant's parish of Agmondesham, co.
Bucks.
Clinton v. Kimpton
C^ Replication ( ) of John Clinton and Anne his wife,^com-
plainants, to the answers of Mary Kimpton and William Kimpton.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 6j
Rejoinder ( ) of Mary Kimpton and William Kimpton.
Concerning the recovery of the marriage portion of the compt. Anne,
who was daughter of Robert Kimpton (a testator) by Mary the de-
fendant, and sister of Edward Kimpton.
CoTTESBROoKE V. Charnock and others
Bill (26 Jan. 163I-) of Clement Cottesbrooke of London, turner^
son and heir of William Cottesbrooke late of Swynford, co. Leic, yeoman,,
deceased, eldest brother of John Cottesbrooke late of Whitechapel, co. Mid-
dlesex, also deceased.
Answers (8 Feb. 163I-) of Mark Smyth and Anne his wife (defendants
with Richard Charnock of Rowell, co. Northants, gent.).
Concerning a bond dated 16 Dec. 1626 wherein the said John
Cottesbrooke became bound together with the said Richard Charnock.
as his surety for a debt, and other obligations of the said John
Cottesbrooke. The defendant Anne, wife of Mark Smyth of Wap-
ping, chandler, is relict of the said John Cottesbrooke, and was married
to her present husband about seven years since. She proved her late
husband's will as guardian of his daughter Sarah, the extrix., who was
aged about 6 years, and who died soon afterwards.
Clarke v. Clarke and another
C^^^ Replication ( c. 1644) of Nicholas Clarke to the answers of
Elizabeth Clarke, widow, and Robert Jennor, defendants.
Concerning lands in Stutton, whereof the compt.'s father became
estated by way of mortgage from one Mixter, of which he declared
that his son John should have all his estate. The compt. speaks of
the declarations of his said father made in 1628 with the intent to
make his will. The compt. denies that the defendant Elizabeth had
the care which she alleges that she had for the education of him and
of his brothers, or that she kept them as her own children.
Cracroft v. Goake and others
Replication ( ) of Richard Cracroft, complainant, to
the answers of Matthew Goake, William Gooday and William King, defen-
dants.
Concerning the jointure lands of the late wife of the complainant,,
who was mother of Richard Pepis.
Cartrett v. Cooke and another
Bill (15 June 1646) of William Cartrett of Westminster, co. Mid-
dlesex, brewer.
Answer (22 June 1646) of Peter Cooke (a near neighbour of the com-
plainant). Sense his wife and Edward Bond.
Concerning water supplied to the complainant for brewing.
64
THE ANCESTOR
Gary v. Leigh and others
C-^ Bill ( ... 1622) of John Gary, esquire, son and heir apparent of
Sir Philip Gary of London, knight, by Sir Edward Barrett, knight, his
guardian.
Answer ( . . . Dec. 1622) of Sir Francis Leigh, kt., and Dame Ghristian
liis wife.
Answers ( . . . 1622) of Sir Robert Heath, kt., the solicitor-general, and
Sir John Leigh, kt., for themselves and for Thomas Leigh, William Leigh and
John Leigh, sons of Sir Francis Leigh, kt., by Dame Ghristian his wife. [Bill
and answers in defective conditions.]
Gonceming the manors of Stanes and Stan well, co. Middlesex.
wife of . , ,
Thynne
Richard = Elizabeth:
Warren survived
of Lon- both hus-
d o n , bands
esq.
:Sir Thomas Knyvett
Lord Knyvett
Sir Francis Leigh, kt.=Christian
I _l J I
Ehzabeth Thomas William John
Leigh Leigh Leigh
Sir Edv4rard= Katharine Knyvett
Gary, knight
first married to the
Lord Paget. Sur-
vived both hus-
bands
Sir Philip Gary, kt.
John Gary, esquire
complainant
Gatcher v. Titmus and others
Bill (25 April 1646) of John Gatcher (lately come of full age), son
and heir of John Gatcher late of Meldreth, co. Gambridge, husbandman, de-
ceased.
Answer (3 June 1646) of William Titmus and Benjamin Payne both of
Meldreth (defendants with Mary Gierke, Thomas Gierke, Alexander Blayn
and John Adleston. The said Mary is relict, and the said Thomas son and
heir, of Edward Gierke of Triploe, co. Gambridge, deceased, the said Thomas
being a minor).
Gonceming a mortgage by the said John Gatcher the elder of copy-
holds in Meldreth.
GoLLiER V. Remnant and others
G-Jg- Bill (25 Oct. 1645) of Robert Gollier of Surrey.
Answers (6 Nov. 1645) of Robert Remnant, Thomas West (a scrivener)
and Francis Dirricke.
Gonceming a loan to the complainant made by the said Robert
Remnant.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR; : 65
i. u.
Robert Collier of Purbright=Margaret= Robert Remnant
CO. Surrey, a testator
df ceased the defendant,
married in i6i8
Robert Collier
the complainant
Cole v. Lowther and another
C-g^g- Bill (i Nov. 1645) of George Cole of the precinct of Old Bride-
well, draper, for himself and as guardian of John Cole his brother, a minor.
Answer ( ) of Sir John Lowther of Lowther, baronet (defen-
dant with Thomas Cole).
Concerning messuages and lands called Hardrowe and Symondstone
in Wensleydale, co. York, whereof George Cole, father of the com-
plainants, died seised in 1629, leaving behind him Thomas Cole the
defendant his eldest son and heir, the two complainants his other
sons and Rose, Anne, Hester and Elizabeth his daughters. The said
Rose was then married to Thomas Jobson, gent., one of the sons of
Matthew Jobson late of Midlam, co. York, esquire, since deceased.
The said Thomas Cole was then but young and newly come of age.
The said Anne married Matthew Metcalfe and Hester married
Edward Moore. Elizabeth the fourth sister was brought up in
Ireland, and coming of age made a journey into England to receive
her portion, and falling sick at Burton in Warrell, co. Chester, made
a will 26 Dec. 1639, giving her portion to the complainants. The
complainant George Cole came of age in 1636.
Chedle c. Bishop of Bangor and others
C-Jy Bill (17 May 1637) of Rowland Chedle, Doctor of Divinity.
Answer (14 June 1637) of Michael Evans, clerk (defendant with Edmund,
Bishop of Bangor, William Wyn, Thomas Dray cote, John Hopton and Harry
Knowlsley).
Concerning the prebendal dignity called the Treasurership of Bangor
to which belong the two churches of Llanvichangle y Traythey and
Llandegv^yn in Merioneth.
Cope v. Styles
C-Jg- Bill (i I May 1646) of Thomas Cope and Anne Cope his wife.
Answer (16 May 1646) of Elizabeth Styles, widow (defendant with
Robert Mell).
Concerning the lease of a messuage in Long Aker, co. Middlesex, of
which Katherine Styles of St. Martin's in the fields, spinster, is said by
66
THE ANCESTOR
the complainants to have been possessed. She married one Martin
Seaman, and they had issue one Hanna Saphia Seaman. The said
Martin made his will nuncupative, giving the messuage and household
stuff to his said daughter, who was then very young, and making
Anthony Styles her uncle his executor. The said Hanna Saphia
Seaman afterwards died, and since then her uncle is also dead. Ad-
ministration of the goods of the said Hanna Saphia was granted by the
Archdeacon of Middlesex to the complainant, the said Anne Cope
being aunt to the deceased on the mother's side. The defendant
Elizabeth says that her father-in-law Oliver Styles of St. Martin's in
the fields, gent., was possessed of the lease which was made to him by
John Russell, esq., and after the death of Oliver the lease came to his
son and heir Anthony Styles, his exor., of whose will dated 14 Dec.
2 1 Car. I. this defendant his relict is executrix.
Cornish v. Cornish
CgV Bill (10 Feb. i6f|) of Richard Cornish of Thurleston, co. Devon,
yeoman.
Answer (12 Feb. i6|-^) of William Cornish (defendant with Joan Cornish
and Henry Luscombe, clerk).
Concerning the estate of Andrew Cornish, the complainant's father,
who lately died intestate and indebted (according to the complainant)
above the value of his estate, of which the complainant was adminis-
trator. He left, by the defendant Joan his wife, four sons and a
daughter : Richard, Robert, William, Andrew and Joan, and died
about seven years since.
Cleland Cleland
C-^ Bill (9 Feb. 1 6-|^) of John Cleland of Eastportlemouth, co. Devon,
clerk.
Answer (31 March 1630) of Hester Cleland, widow.
Concerning land which descended to the complainant as heir of his
mother. The complainant alleges that, soon after his father's third
marriage, he was sent for a year in France, and on his return was
apprenticed to a merchant in Totness, where he continued five years,
but, * havinge a greater desire to learninge then to marchantdisinge,' he
compounded with his master, and was admitted as a poor scholar to
Bennett College in Cambridge. There he continued five years in
credit and good estimation, albeit his father allowed him but six
pounds yearly, whilst the son of the defendant was allowed near forty
pounds. After his father's death his friends for love and pity pro-
cured him the advowson of Eastportlemouth. The defendant declares
that the complainant's carriage, when an apprentice, was * so ill,
dissolute, expensive and disserviceable that his master discarded him,'
and that he thought not upon learning until persuaded thereto,
sometime after his return home, by Samuel Cleland his elder brother.
i
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 67
Rosamond Elsen=Richard Cleland, clerk,=Elizabeth=Hester Maie
married about
46 years since
rector of Eastportle-
mouth, CO. Davon
Samuel a daughter one son and John Cleland of
Cleland now living two daughters Eastportlemouth,
now dead clerk ^
Reeve
the defendant
a son
Cocks v. Cocks and another
Cg^ Bill (27 April 1646) of James Cocks, citizen and merchant of
London.
Answer (3 Oct. 1646) of Dorothy Mainwaring, widow, and Charles
Cocks the younger, gent., two of the children of John Cocks, gent., deceased
(defendants with Charles Cocks, esquire, John Cocks and James Cocks).
Plea and demurrer (31 Oct. 1646) of Charles Cocks, esquire, a defendant.
Concerning the estate of John Cox of Harkesteed, co. Suffolk, esquire,
deceased, the complainant's late brother, who was seised of the manor
of Harkesteed, etc. John Cocks and Henry Cocks are witnesses to
the answer dated 3 Oct. 1646, which was sworn at Dombleton, co.
Gloucester.
George Cocks John Cocks of Harksteed, James Cocks Charles Cocks Christopher
died before his esquire, made a will about the compt. of the Inner Cocks, died
brother John 16 years since= Temple, esq., after his
I the defendant brother John
John Cocks
son and heir
Charles Cocks James Cocks
Dorothy Cocks
extrix. of her
father and now
relict of . . .
Mainwaring
Crawley v. Holbrooke
C-^ Bill (2 May 1 646) of Thomas Crawley of Stepney, co. Middlesex,
ship carpenter.
Answer (i i May 1646) of Mary Holbrooke, widow, of Popler in Stepney.
Concerning a bond for payment of 100/. entered into by the com-
plainant, who alleges that about two years since he was bound out on
a voyage to New England and that the defendant, pretending friend-
ship to him, offered to assist him in his business when he was away.
About six months before he had buried his wife, by whom he had an
only child who was at nurse with the wife of one Matthew Hicken-
bobbs. The defendant answers that the complainant solicited her in
way of marriage. The complainant's mother brought her the child
and persuaded her to keep it, which she did for three quarters of a year.
68
THE ANCESTOR
Crofts v. Hemings and others
Cg^ Bill (9 May 1646) of Matthew Crofts of Priors Hardwick, co.
Warwick, yeoman.
Answers (13 May 1646) of Richard Hemings, John Crofts and Robert
Welch, defendants.
Concerning lands in Priors Hardwick of which the complainant's
father, Richard Crofts of Priors Hardwick, yeoman, died seised about
16 years since, leaving the complainant his son and heir, who came to
full age about 5 years since.
Chambers v. Earners
C-^ Bill (i June 1646) of Mary Chambers of Loppington, co. Salop,
widow, administratrix of Francis Chambers, gent., her late husband.
Answer (8 June 1 646) of Hatton Barners, gent., and Anne his wife.
Concerning a bond dated in January 1 5 Car. I. wherein Francis
Chambers became bound with John Bromhall of Northwood Hall,
gent., as surety for the said John to one Isabel Price, widow. The
said Isabel afterwards died and Anne Price, her daughter and adminis-
tratrix, has married with the defendant Hatton Barners. The defendants
speak of one Mr. Prince as their friend and kinsman.
Collin v. Day
C^ Bill (21 April 1646) of Thomas Collin of London, merchant.
Answer (28 April 1646) of Thomas Day of London, merchant.
Concerning the complainant's dealings in hops with the defendant.
Cape v. Bartlett and another
C^ Bill (17 April 1646) of Thomas Cape of London, baker, and Mary
his wife.
Answers (25 April 1646) of Anthony Bartlett and James Best.
Concerning three messuages in Whitechapel whereof Thomas Bartlet
of Whitechapel, bellfounder, died seised. He made a will 7 March
163 1 giving one of them to Anthony his son, the defendant, and two
to the complainant Mary, his daughter.
Dale v. East India Company
D^ Bill (7 Nov. 1629) of Dame Elizabeth Dale, late the wife and extrix.
of Sir Thomas Dale, knight, deceased.
Plea (27 and 28 Jan. i6|^) of the Governor and Company of Merchants
of London, trading to the East Indies.
Concerning a voyage which Sir Thomas Dale began in Feb. i6i|^ as
Admiral of a fleet of the Company's ships.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 69
David Howell and others
D|- Bill (14 July 1 641) of Roger David of Bedwelty, co. Monmouth,
yeoman, exor. of the nuncupative will of Rice Thomas of Bedwelty, deceased.
Answer (2 3 Oct. 1 64 1 ) of Dido Howell alias William of Bedwelty (defendant
with Edward Morgan, esq., Henry Morgan, esq., and many others).
Concerning the estate of Rice Thomas of Bedwelty, deceased.
DuNiNG V. Cruse
Di Bill (7 July 1647) of Nicholas Duning of Ugborrough, co. Devon,
yeoman.
Answer taken at Gulwill in Staverton (24 Sep. 1 647) of George Cruse of
Ashburton, gent.
Concerning the compt.'s dealings with the defendant Cruse, who
practised as an attorney in the Stannary Courts. The said Nicholas
relates how * the rage of the souldiers on the kings partie was so great *
that he was enforced for his better refuge to fly to the garrison of
Plymouth.
Dereham v. Murray and others
D|- Bill (22 May 1644) of Sir Thomas Dereham of West Dereham, co.
Norfolk, knight.
Answer (20 Dec. 1644) of Henry Murray and Anne his wife, (defendants
with Henry Dereham of the Inner Temple, esq., a son of compt., and Olive
his wife, Margaret Kirby the elder and her daughter Margaret Kirby the
younger and Walter Sanky).
Concerning the manor of Crimplesham, co. Norfolk, whereof the com-
plainant was seised for his life with remr. to Thomas Dereham, his son
and heir apparent. The defendant Anne Murray is dau. of Paul, late
Viscount Baninge, deceased, one of whose exors. was Jeffrey Kirby,
esquire. The elder Margaret Kirby is relict and extrix. of this Jeffrey,
whose daus. and co-heirs are Olive, wife of defendant Henry Dereham,
and the said Margaret Kirby the younger.
DoDswoRTH V. Smelt
Di Bill (23 Oct. 1645) of Margaret Dodsworth, one of the daughters
of John Dodsworth, late of Thornton Watlas, co. York, esquire.
Answer (4 June 1646) of Matthew Smelt of Kirkby Fleetham, co. York,
esquire.
Concerning a sum of money which was in the hands of Alice
Dodsworth, the complainant's elder sister, who was wife to the
defendant Smelt. The said Alice died about two years since, and
the complainant's father and mother about eighteen months since.
70
THE ANCESTOR
Denman V. Hamerton and others
Bill ( . . . May 1 646) of Nicholas Denman, alderman of Kingston
upon Hull.
Answer (23 Feb. 164-f-) of George Nightingale, gent, (defendant with
Nicholas Hamerton and Thomas Dawson).
Concerning messuages and lands in Misterton and Stockworth, co.
Notts, and in the county of York, whereof, according to the com-
plainant's story, William Bett was seised, which William gave the
same by his will dated 1584 to Anne Bett his daughter, and to the
heirs male of her body, with remr. to the heirs of her body, with
remr. to William Denman son of John Denman, Isabel the wife of
William Bett having some estate therein for life. If she married
again, John Denman (son-in-law of William Bett, and brother of the
said William Denman) and Rosamond his wife should have the pre-
mises in Northlaverton for the rest of the lease. The said Isabel
married one Nicholas Hamerton, and afterwards Anne Bett died
without issue. Afterwards Isabel died, and the said William and
John Denman and Rosamond his wife are all dead also. The com-
plainant is son and heir and exor. of the said John Denman, who
survived Rosamond his wife. The defendant states that he is in
possession of certain messuages and lands in North Leverton, in right
of his nephew William Nightingale, an infant under the age of 20
years, son and heir of William Nightingale, deceased.
DoBsoN v. Moore and another
D-f Bill (17 May 1642) of John Dobson of Treaswell, co. Notts, son
and heir to William Dobson, deceased, who was son and heir to Thomas
Dobson, deceased, who was son and heir to Thomas Dobson, deceased.
Answer (13 June 1642) of Thomas Moore and Thomas Codd, defendants.
Concerning two tenements in Gainsburgh, co. Lincoln, which as the
compt. alleges one Thomas Dobson granted to Thomas Dobson his
son, grandfather of the compt. The defendant's answer that one
William Dobson of Barneby on the Moor, yeoman, by his deed
indented, dated 23 Oct. 24 Elizabeth, conveyed a certain tenement
in Gainsburgh to Robert Shadforth of Gainsburgh, yeoman, who
died seised of the same tenement, which came to Ruth Shadforth,
his daughter and heir, who afterwards married one Nevill of Grove,
CO. Notts, gent. In her widowhood Ruth Nevill, by deed dated
30 April 40 Eliz., conveyed the tenement to Anne her daughter
and heir and her husband Thomas Fotherby. Shortly after this
the said Ruth, Thomas and Anne, by deed 4 May 43 Eliz. sold
the premises to Ciprian Godfrey of Gainsburgh, gent., who sold the
same by deed dat. 6 May 7 Jac. I. to Thomas Smith, waterman, and
Thomas More, ironmonger, both of Gainsburgh. The defendant
Thomas More is son and heir of the aforesaid Thomas Moore.
A GENEALOGIST'S KALENDAR 71
Thomas Dobson
Thomas Dobson
Robert Shadforth of=
Gainsburgh, yeoman j
William Dobson
son and heir
Nevill of Grove=Ruth Shadforth dau, and heir
CO. Notts, gent. | relict of Nevill
John Dobson of Treaswell
CO. Notts, son and heir
Thomas Fotherby=Anne Nevill
dau. and heir
Dawson v. Crosfielde and another
D-i- Bill (9 Feb. 1 64 J) of Joan Dawson, late wife and extrix. of Myles
Dawson of Crostwait, co. Westmorland, mercer (who died about three years
since), complainant against Thomas Crosjfielde of the Powbanke in Wither-
slacke, co. Westmorland, yeoman, and James Field, defendants.
Concerning alleged losses suffered through Peter, son of the said
Thomas Crosfielde, who was apprenticed to Myles Dawson about
eleven years since, the defendants joining in a bond for the perform-
ance of the articles. The said Peter is described as being * of a lewd
and wicked life — a haunter of alehowses, tavernes and bad places.'
Durham (Dean and Chapter of) and another v. Richardson and another
Di Bill (10 Feb. 1641) of the Dean and Chapter of Durham and
William Dalby of Broughton, co. Lincoln, for and on behalf of Batholomew
Fewler of Carlton, co. York, and Anne his wife, complainants against William
Richardson and Anne Walker, widow.
Concerning a bond dated 17 Nov. 1632, wherein William Richardson
and Anne Richardson, widow, of Cliffe in Hembrough, co. York, were
bound for the execution of the will of Christopher Richardson, late
of Cliffe, deceased, and for the payments of the child's portions and
bequests to Anne Richardson, Christopher Richardson, Robert Richard-
son and Isabel Richardson, the children of the deceased. The will
was dated 13 Sep. 1632. Anne the daughter is now wife of
Bartholomew Fewler, and hath not received her portion. Anne the
executrix has since married and survived one Francis Walker.
D-j^ Bill (30 Nov. 1 641) of John Debanck of Tillingham, co. Essex,
yeoman, complainant against William Norris, yeoman, and Annie Debanck of
Tillingham, widow.
Concerning a debt of William Norris for which the complainant
became bound as a surety in Jan. 14 Car. I.
Debanck v, Norris and another
72
THE ANCESTOR
Draper v. Willys and others
Dy^y Bill (23 Nov. 1629) of David Draper of Stonley, co. Warwick,
gent.
Answer (9 April 1630) of George Willys of Fennycompton, gent,
(defendant with Henry Murcott of Tachbrooke Mallery, co. Warwick,
yeoman, John Perkins of Tachbrooke, yeoman, and Richard Harvye of
Tachbrooke, yeoman).
Concerning a loan made about two years since by the complainant
to the defendant Murcott.
Dell v. Plomer
D^ Replication ( ) of Ralph Dell to the answer of
Thomas Plomer, defendant.
A denial that the ground whereupon is a cottage now in question was
ever part of the jointure of the Lady Cotton, or that the cottage was
ever conveyed to William Plomer, father of the defendant Thomas
Plomer.
Darracott v. Facye
Dj^ Bill ( ) of William Darracott of Chittlehampton,
CO. Devon, yeoman, executor of John Darracott his father, of Landkey, co.
Devon, yeoman, deceased.
Answer taken at Barnstaple in Devon (6 June 5 Car. I.) of Elizabeth
Facye, widow, relict and extrix. of Humfrey Facye, deceased, and sister of
the complainant.
Concerning the goods of John Darracott, deceased. One Tepper, a
widow, is mentioned as another sister of the complainant.
Dove v, Hardye
D^ Bill (8 Nov. 163 1 ) of John Dove of New Sarum, gent.
Answer (9 Nov. 163 1) of Thomas Hardye, esquire.
Concerning the manor of Keighaven, whereof Jane Hardye, widow,
was seised for a term of years. At a court held 20 Jan. 1 2 Jac. I. she
surrendered four copyhold tenements with lands called Batchley, some-
time in the tenure of John Gawney to Thomas Hardye, esq., her son,
(the defendant) and to her daughters Anne and Dorothy Hardye for
their lives.
Deermar v. Deermar
D^ Bill (25 June 1641) of William Deermar of Harding, co. Herts,
yeoman, complainant against John Dearmar and Thomas Deermar, father and
brother of the complainant.
Concerning lands in Carrington, co. Herts, whereof John Deermar
was seised, whose son and heir the complainant is. The said John
Dearmar is said to have engaged to settle the lands upon the com-
plainant in consideration of his being bound for payment of 60/. to
the young children of the said John, in which bond the complainant
became bound to John and Edward Deermar his brother. The
defendant John, who is old and weak, was afterwards persuaded to
settle the lands upon his son the defendant Thomas.
SOME EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES
I. THE WIGTONS
THE manor of Wigton gave its name to a family who
held a position of considerable eminence in the county
for two centuries. Its first Norman owner was Odard, sheriff
of Carlisle, a man of great local repute said to have been
seneschal of Ranulf Meschin and also sheriff of Northumber-
land. It is stated on the highest authority that Henry 1.
enfeoffed Odard with the manor of Wigton. Later evidences
point to Waldeve, lord of Allerdale, as the grantor, a supposi-
tion not without force seeing that the manor was parcel of
"Waldeve's fee. Be that as it may, the jurors of the great
inquest of 12 12 looked upon the confirmation of the Crown
as the source of Odard's title. The first owner of Wigton,
called at an early period Odard de Logys for the sake of dis-
tinction, should not be confused with another Odard who
flourished in the county at the same time, that is, Odard son
Hildret, known in 1130 as Odard de Chaerleolio or Odard of
Carlisle. It is disputable whether or not Odard de Bebban-
burgh or Bamburgh, sheriff of Northumberland, was identical
with Odard de Logys as the name was common in the northern
counties at this period."^
1 In the sheriff's inquisition of 1 2 1 2 Henry I. is named as the grantor of
Wigton to Odard the shenff {Fictoria History of Cumberland, i. 421). In a
document among the * Tower Miscellaneous Rolls ' (No. ; Bain, Calendar
of Documents relating to Scotland, ii. 64) and also in the * Chronicon Cumbrie '
{Monasticon, iii. 584), statements not to be relied on unless supported by other
evidence (Fictoria Hist. Cumb. i. 297—8), Waldeve son of Gospatrick is named
as the original grantor. In the Tower Roll Odard is called seneschal of Ranulf
Meschin : in both documents he is called Odard de Logys or Logis. The
distinction between contemporary Odards is of the highest importance. There
is a deed in the Register of Wetherhal (pp. 143-7, ed. J. E. Prescott) which
shows that Odard the sheriff was a different person from Odard son of Hildret
de Carlel. This Odard of Carlisle was associated with William Meschin and
Archbishop Thurstin when the priory of St. Bees was founded {Harleian MS.
434, lib. i. 2). Odard, * vicecomes de Bebbanburgh,' witnessed the founda-
tion charter of Selkirk granted by Earl David (Dalrymple, Collections, p. 405)
and is called sheriff of Northumberland by Prior Richard of Hexham Memo-
73
74
THE ANCESTOR
For several descents the family name of the owners of
Wigton alternated between Odard and Adam, necessitating
the closest attention. Little is known of the first Adam, the
successor of Odard the sheriff, but he was probably his son.
In 1 1 8 1 William son of the first Odard had a recognition of
right to three carucates of land against the second Odard son
of Adam, for which he paid a fine of three marks.^ The
name of the second Odard is found often in the Pipe Rolls
and elsewhere till his death in 1208.^ His wife's name was
Milisent, who after his death married Reynold son of Adam
de Carduil. It is evident that she was the same person as
Milisent of Blakehale and that it was through her that the
manors of Blakehall and perhaps of Melmorby were added to
the possessions of this family.^
The second Adam son of the second Odard, succeeding in
1208, paid eighty marks for having his father's lands with the
rialsy p. 62, Surtees Society) and by Symeon of Durham in 1121 {Opera, i.
116, Surtees Society). Odard was acting as sheriff of Northumberland in
1 1 30 {Pipe Roll, p. 35, ed. J. Hunter). The late Mr. Hodgson Hinde re-
garded these three Odards as the same person {History of Northumberland, i.
203—4). Horace Round has argued for the identity of Odard de Logis
and Odard de Bebbanburgh {Genealo^st, v. 25, new ser.), and Archdeacon
Prescott has stoutly pleaded for their distinction {Reg. ofWetherhal, pp. 145—6.
In 1 1 30 Symon Dispensator owed forty marks of silver for a plea which the
king had against Odard de Chaerleolio his brother-in-law {Pipe Roll, p. 79).
1 Pipe Roll, 27 Hen. II.
2 In I ig5 Odard son of Adam was fined half a mark because he had not
whom he pledged {Pipe Roll, 32 Hen. II.), and in 1201 he paid 100/. that
he might not go beyond the sea {ne transfretent) and five marks as scutage in
1203 {Rotuli de Obletis, p. 145, ed. Hardy: Pipe Rolls, 3 & 5 John). John
Denton, who wrote about the year 1620, failing to notice the intermediate
link in the pedigree, mistook Odard the grandson for Odard the sheriff, and
in consequence was obliged to make the latter live * above an hundred years '
{History of Cumberland, p. 62, ed. R. S. Ferguson). The second Odard died
in 1208, for in that year his son succeeded {Pipe Roll, 10 John).
^ The identity of Milisent is a point of considerable interest. It is stated
on the same roll that Reynold owed forty marks for having to wife Milisent
widow of Odard son of Adam, and that Milisent de Blakehale was engaged in
pleas of the forest at the same time {Pipe Roll, 11 John). That was 1209,
the year after Odard's death. As Milisent was mother of Adam, the next
owner of Wigton, it is not improbable that the manor of Blackhall descended
in this way to the Wigton family. It was reckoned among the possessions of
Odard de Wigton who died thirty years later {Inq. p.m. incert. temp. Hen. III.
No. 251). John Denton was of opinion that * Blachall or Blackhill commonly
called Bleckall ' was * given by Henry I. to Odard de Logis baron of Wigton *
{Hist, of Cumb. p. 103), but he gave no authority for the statement.
EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES 75
pertinents which ought to descend to him by inheritance.^ As
the heir of Odard the sheriff, he was the owner in 1 2 1 2 when
the great inquest of fees was made for the whole of the county,
and was the first that we have found who adopted the territo-
rial name of Wyggeton or Wigton. He was known as Adam
de Wigton, a style afterwards continued by his descendants.
In 1 22 1 and 1222 he was employed with others in taking a
view of the forest of Cumberland for the purpose of reporting
its condition to the Crown.^ He must have died about 1225,
for in that year Odard son of Adam de Wigeton, that is the
third Odard, did homage for the land he held in chief and
paid ten marks for his relief.^ This was the Odard son of
Adam who made a grant of pasture in his domain to the
monks of Holmcultram and confirmed the gifts of Adam son
of Lambert and Elyas his son to the same house.^ Dying in
1238, his lands, heir and widow were delivered in ward to
Walter, Bishop of Carlisle.^ It was upheld in law that the
custody of the lands of Odard de Wigentona in the county of
Cumberland remained with the king because the said Odard
was a tenant-in-chief by the serjeanty of going with him in
the army against Scotland in the vanguard, and on its return
in the rearguard, a service which was declared by inquisition
to be grand serjeanty, and besides because he paid cornage
which in English was called horngeld.^ Odard left a widow
Christine and a son Adam about two years of age. Two
months after Odard's death another boy Walter was born.^
At a tender age the third Adam was married to Isabel
de Forde, daughter of Sir Odonell de Forde and Cecily his
wife, one of the three co-heiresses of Robert de Muscampis
who owned large possessions in Northumberland. But the
boy did not live to succeed to his father's manors as he died
in 1 2 50- 1 about the age of fourteen years. In 1253 Isabella
the youthful widow of Adam de Wigton put in a plea in the
king's court for a third part of the manors of Wigton and
Stainton, excepting one carucate and fourteen acres of land
^ Pipe Roll, 10 John ; Rotuli de Finibus, 9 John, p. 422, ed. Hardy.
2 Patent Rolls (1216-25), 3i3> 3^5, Rolls Series.
3 Fine Roll, 10 Hen. III. m. 9 {Excerpta, i. 134-5, ed. C. Roberts).
^ Register of Holmcultram, MS. fF. 79-80.
5 Originalia, 22 Hen. III. m. 3 ; Bain, Calendar of Documents, \. (1438-43).
6 Brae ton's Note Book, No. 1270, ed. F. W. Maitland.
Inq. p.m. incert. temp. Hen. III. No. 251.
76
THE ANCESTOR
and a third of seventy-two acres and two bovates in Mel-
morby which she claimed as dower. John le Fraunceys,
guardian of the heir and the estates admitted her title to a
widow's portion.^
Walter came of age and succeeded Odard his father in
1258. The sheriff of the county certified to the justices in
June of that year that Odard, father of Walter, held of
William de Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle, the manor of Wigton
by cornage and of the king in chief the manor of Melmorby
with its pertinents, Steynton, Blakhille and Wardwyk, and
also that Walter his son, the next heir, would be twenty-two
years of age on August 15 next, Walter's age having been
verified by a jury of his neighbours.^ This member of the
family played a considerable part in local and military affairs
during his tenure of the estates. His dealings with the
neighbouring monastery of Holmcultram were friendly if not
benevolent and generous. In 1265 he confirmed the posses-
sions of the monks within his manor of Wigton, and in 1270
he came to an agreement with H[enry], abbot of the house,
about certain purprestures and improvements, at the same
time giving him power to inclose a wood at Aykehevid, called
Aykehevidscawe.^ He also granted the monastery certain
way-leaves Mn his barony of Wyggeton.' * In 1266 Walter
of Wigton petitioned for quittance of puture of the forest
and horngeld in respect of his manors of Wigton and Black-
hall, but the privilege was denied on the ground that it would
be injurious to the king's interest.^ But he was more fortu-
nate in the following year, for he was allowed to assart and
1 Coram Rege Roll^ 37 Hen. III. No. 91, m. 13; Bain, i. 1933. Adam
de Wigton must have been dead before May 4, 1 2 5 1 , for in that year an .
* extent ' of the lands in Northumberland belonging to Isabella widow of Adam
de Wygeton was made {}nq. p.m. 35 Hen. III. No. 41). The widow was
sixteen years of age and is called the daughter of the first begotten daughter
of Robert de Muscampis {Calendarium Genealogicum, i. 37). Next year she
had licence to marry whom she pleased {Pipe Roll, 36 Hen. III. m. iid.i
Bain i. 1856). In one of the inquisitions it is said that Isabella was married
to a certain boy {puero) called Adam de Wyginton : she was fifteen years of
age and her husband of the age of thirteen or fourteen years : both were wards
of William de Huntercumbe {Inq. p.m. 39 Hen. III. No. 40; Bain, i. 1967,
P- 372).
2 Coram Rege Roll, 42 & 43 Hen. III. No. 106 ; Bain, i. 2129.
3 Harleian MS. 391 1, if. 54, 56.
* Reg. ofHolmcultram, MS. f. 77.
5 Inq. p.m. 50 Hen. III. No. 28.
EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES 77
impact his woods in the same manors.-^ He was often em-
ployed on the king's service in the Welsh wars from 1276
till his death, and was summoned to the parliament which
met at Shrewsbury in 1283, together with other barons of the
kingdom.^ Walter of Wigton died in 1286, and was suc-
ceeded by John, his son and heir, who was twenty-two years
of age.^
Sir John of Wigton, baron of Wigton, the last heir male of
his line, spent most of his life in active service in parliament
and the field. As knight of the shire of Cumberland he was
returned to serve in the parliaments which met at Lincoln in
1 30 1 and Westminster in 1305 and 1313.^ His military
services in the Welsh and Scottish wars of Edward I. were
many and various.® On the border he was a tower of
strength as a conservator of the peace at home and as the
indefatigable pursuer of Robert de Brus through the southern
shires of Scotland. In 1 295-6 Sir John caused William de
Wytyngham to be attached at Bolton and imprisoned as a
Scottish traitor in that he had absented himself from his lands
to avoid service in the army against the Scots, the said
William being a kinsman of John ^ Rede ' Comyn, the king's
enemy While King Edward was at Lanercost on his last
journey to Scotland, he ordered him in 1306-7 to levy 200
stout footmen in Cumberland and bring them to Carlisle for
the purpose of pursuing Robert de Brus and his accomplices.^
On that business he was often engaged. It would be tedious
to recount his services in war, as he was mixed up in most of
the assays and expeditions of this troublesome period. Little
1 Patent Roll, 51 Hen. III. The rise of the vill of Wigton about this
time as a centre of industry and commerce is evident from the king's grant in
1262 of a weekly market on Tuesdays and a yearly fair on the 7th, 8th and
9th of September {Charter Roll, 46 Hen. III. pt. i. No. 5 ; Placita de Quo
Waranto, p. 116, Record Commission).
2 Patent Rolls, 4 Edw. I. m. 2, 5 Edw. I. m. 14 ; Foedera, i. 537-8, 608,
630, new edit. ; Palgrave, Parliamentary Writs, i. 15, 194, 223, 226, 246 ;
Dignity of a Peer, iii. 37, 40, 44, 47, 49.
3 Inq. p.m. 14 Edw. I. No. 15 ; Calend. Geneal. \. 368 ; Fine Roll, 14
Edw. I. m. 13 ; OngLnatta, 14 Edw. L m. 4 (i. 51, Record Commission).
* Parliaments of England, i. 13, 18, 43, Blue Book ; Parliamentary Wnts,
i. 102, 156-7, etc.
^ Fcedera, i. 675, etc. ii. 8, 78 ; Dignity of a Peer^ iii. 51, 54-5, etc. ;
Pari. Writs, ii. div. iii. 161 1-2.
Bain, ii. 189.
Pat. Roll, 35 Edw. I. m. 32 ; Bain, ii. 1902.
F
78 THE ANCESTOR
reward did he receive from the great Edward, though we
find him among the petitioners for lands or preferment in
Scotland in 1305.-^ Edward II. however gave him the custody
of the barony of Liddel, which Joan widow of John Wake
held.^
On the death of Sir John de Wigton all his estates es-
cheated pending the declaration of the rightful heir. The
inquisitions of 1 3 1 5 were at variance, and a long suit in law
ensued. Soon after his marriage Sir John was separated from
the Lady Dionyse de Luvetot his wife, and ultimately ob-
tained a divorce in the ecclesiastical court of Carlisle. A
daughter Margaret was born of the marriage. On Sir John's
death the manors were claimed by Margaret his only child
and also by his five sisters and their heirs. The Somerset
jurors declared in favour of Margaret formerly wife of John
de Crokedak, but the Cumberland jurors supported the
claims of the five sisters.^ The dispute was referred to the
lay as well as the ecclesiastical courts. Margaret and her
mother moved the provincial court of York to set aside the
divorce, as it had been obtained irregularly in the court
below.^ Their opponents pleaded that John and his wife
were divorced on account of the precontract of Dionyse to
one John Paynel. In 1320 the court accepted a certificate
from the Bishop of London of Margaret's legitimacy, where-
upon she was adjudged the lawful heir and seizin was given her.^
The Lady Margaret de Wigton, who succeeded her
father, was the last of the family to use the name or own the
manor. Though she was married four times, she died child-
less, and the estates not alienated during her lifetime reverted
to the lord of the fee or to the Crown. As her mother had
maintained her right to a widow's portion of Sir John's lands,^
the divorce obtained in the diocesan court of Carlisle must
have been set aside. To meet the expenses of defending her
title, Margaret was obliged to sell her manors of Melmorby,
^ Palgrave, Documents and Records, p. 308.
2 Origina/ia, 3 Edw. II. m. 6 (i. 168, Rec. Commission).
3 Inq.p.m. 8 Edw. II. No. 6i.
* Reciter of Bp. Halm, MS. fF. 176-9, 180-1.
5 Abbrev. Placit. p. 336, Record Gommission. The issue was confused^by
Sir John's demise of the estates * to his nearer relations ' under licence in 1 3 1 1
{Pat. Roily 4 Edw. II. pt. ii. m. 5).
6 Pat. Rollj 6 Edw. III. pt. i. m. 12 ; Inq. p,m. 5 Edw. III. pt. ii. No.
135 ; Monasticon, v. 599.
EXTINCT
CUMBERLAND FAMILIES 79
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THE ANCESTOR
Blackball and Stainton to Robert Parvyng, tbe king's serjeant-
at-law.^ In 1332 sbe granted land in Wigton, with tbe
advowson of tbe cburcb, to tbe monastery of Holmcultram
for tbe bealtb of ber soul. Sbe survived ber four busbands,^
and died in 1348. In spite of tbe verdict of tbe inquisition
after deatb, wbicb declared Ricbard son of Walter de Kirk-
bride to be ber beir, tbe manor of Wigton escbeated to
Tbomas son of Antbony de Lucy, lord of tbe bonour of
Cockermoutb, from wbom it bad been beld.^ Hencefortb
tbe manor became merged in tbat lordsbip.
II. THE LEVINGTONS
Henry I. assigned tbe manor of Leventon, Levinton, or
Levington, situated between Carlisle and tbe Scottish border,
to Ricbard de Boyvill at an annual cornage rent. It is doubt-
ful whether this Ricbard should be identified with Ricbard
tbe knight, who appears in the Pipe Roll of 1130 as dis-
charging a portion of tbe debt due to tbe Crown for lands
demised to him. The Ricbard of the Pipe Roll appears to be
the same person as Ricbard Ridere, tbe ancestor of the
Tilliols, who received tbe grant of the adjoining manor ot
Scaleby from tbe same king. Ricbard de Boyvill was suc-
ceeded by his son Adam, who occurs first in the Pipe RoU
of 1 1 70 in amercement for swine taken in tbe forest. Adam
son of Richer or Ricbard must have died before 11775 for in
tbat year Adam bis son paid a fine of ten marks that the
king might take his homage. Juliane bis wife survived him,
and was living in 11 83.
Adam son of Richer and Juliane his wife had two sons,
1 Pat. Rolls, 7 Edw. III. pt, ii. m. 29, 8 Edw. III. pt. i. m. 21.
2 Much confusion has arisen over the matrimonial alliances of Margaret or
Wigton. John de Crokedayk was her first husband, from whom she inherited
a widow's portion of the manor of Crokedayk and other lands {Inq. p.m. 23
Edw. Ill, pt. i. No. 86). John de Denoum or Denum was the second
{Pari. Petitions, No. 2513 ; Bain, iii. 896). In the deeds of the transfer of
the advowson of Wigton church to the monks of Holmcultram, John de
Denum is spoken of as formerly her husband, and Sir John Gernon appears at
a later stage of the negotiations, so that the third marriage must have taken
taken place in 133 1-2 {Reg. of Bp. Kirhy, MS. ff. 245-9). ^33^ ]oYm de
Weston was fined for marrying her without licence {Pat. Roll, 10 Edw. III.
pt. i. m. 32).
3 Inq. p.m. 23 Edw. III. pt. i. No. 86 ; Ori^naRa, 23 Edw. III. m. 20
(ii. 201, Record Commission).
EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES 8i
Adam, who succeeded to the barony in 1177, and William,
who was settled at Westham or Westleventon, now called
Westlinton. In 1179 Adam son of Adam son of Richer
endeavoured to dispossess his brother of his inheritance, but
William appealed and paid a fine of forty marks for a fair
trial. William was still in possession in 1204. Adam as-
sumed the name of his manor and was returned to the scutage
in 1205 and succeeding years as Adam de Levinton. He
was succeeded by Richard de Levinton, who paid three hun-
dred marks and three palfreys in 1 2 1 1 for having his land in
the preceding year. In the Red Book inquisitions Adam and
Richard are returned as holding by cornage, the latter being
possessed of three vills in demesne and a half by homage.
Sir Richard de Levinton, Adam's son, is a familiar figure
in the transactions of the period in which he lived. Like
many of the barons of the northern counties, he was impli-
cated in the barons' resistance ^ to King John, but he returned
to his allegiance in 12 17. The sheriff was ordered to cancel
his attendance on the army at Bedford in 1224, for the reason
that he held his lands by cornage and not by military service.^
As a justice he was often employed on the king's business in
the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland. He held
assizes of novel disseizin at Carlisle and Appleby in 1236, and
was one of the assessors in the international settlement of
1237-42 in satisfaction of the hereditary claims of Scotland
on the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland.^ A
dispute arising between him and his neighbour Peter de
TiUiol, a suit lay in the king's court in 1227 for the adjust-
ment of the boundaries between their respective manors of
Levinton and Scales. Richard complained that Peter had
appropriated four carucates of land, whereof Richer, his
father's grandfather, was seised in demesne in the time of
King Henry, the grandfather. Peter, on the other hand,
asserted that he claimed no more than what his ancestors died
seised of, from father to son, from their first acquisition {a
primo conquestu)y and the enfeoffment of their ancestors. The
sheriff was ordered to take a view and set bounds and let
them decide by a great assize or a duel.* Richard is said to
^ Close Roll, 2 Hen. III. p. 374^, Record Commission.
2 Ibid. 8 Hen. III. pp. 6143, 639^.
3 Bain, Calendar of Documents, i. 234, 236, 257, etc.
^ Coram Rege Roll, 1 1 Hen. III. No. 27, m. 4 ; Bain, Calendar, etc. i. 176.
82
THE ANCESTOR
have acted as a justice itinerant for Cumberland and West-
morland in 1225 and for Lancashire some years later.
Richard de Levinton, dying ^ in 1250, was succeeded by
his brother Ralf, who had inherited by his marriage with Ada
de Morvill a moiety of the Morvill lands, viz. six carucates in
Kirkoswald and three carucates in Lazonby worth yearly
twenty-four marks.^ By this marriage he became brother-in-
law to Richard de Vernun, husband of Helewise de Morvill,
Ada's sister. In 1247 Richard de Vernun and Ralf de
Levinton did homage for the Morvill estates lately belonging
to Joan de Morvill, mother of Helewise and Ada. The year
before, an agreement was made between Ralf de Levinton and
Alan de Chartres for a certain rent in Gamelsby and Glassanby
which Eve had given to Alan before she married him.^ Ralf
died in 1253, a few years after his brother, and all his pro-
perty was taken into the king's hand till the lawful heir was
declared,^ except of course the land assigned in dower to Ada
his widow.
Helewise, only child of Ralf and Ada de Levinton, was
placed in the custody of Sanchia Countess of Cornwall,^ with
all her lands, her mother afterwards marrying William de
Furnivall,^ who died in 1264. Helewise de Levinton married
Eustace de Balliol, who enjoyed the Levinton property for a
short period. They had a grant of a weekly market^ on
Thursday and a yearly fair on June 28 and two following
days at their manor of 'Levyngton' in 1271. Balliol had
licence to lease his manors of Levyngton, Skelton, Gamalsby,
Glassanby and Quorlyngton for four years after Michaelmas,
1270, as he was about to set out with Prince Edward for the
Holy Land.® Helewise died childless in 1272, in the twenty-
fourth year of her age, and the Levinton estates passed to
co-heiresses.
1 Fine Rolls, ii, 80, Record Commission ; Inq. p.m. 34 Hen. III. No. 47 ;
Originalia, 34 Hen. III. m. 7.
2 Fine Rolls, ii. 10 ; Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. III. m. 8 ; Inq. p.m. 31 Hen. III.
No. 32.
3 Feet of Fines, 30 Hen. III. (Cumberland), No. 48.
^ Fine Rolls, ii. 1 76.
^ Originalia, i. 1 2b, Record Commission.
^ Fine Rolls, ii. 414, 507, 525.
Charter Roll, 46 Hen. III. m. 5 ; Placita de Quo Waranto, p. 129^,
Record Commission.
Pat. Roll, 54 Hen. III. m. 10.
EXTINCT CUMBERLAND FAMILIES 83
The heirs of this great property were found on inquisition
to be the six aunts of Helewise de Balliol, sisters of Sir Richard
de Levinton. The jurors, among whom were Sir William de
Boyvill and Roger de Levinton, returned an exhaustive survey
of all the deceased lady's lands, including the manors of
Levington and Skelton, together with lands and rents in
Kirkandrews, Glassanby, Gamelsby, Staffal, Aikton, Burgh-
by-Sands, Bewcastle, Kirkoswald and Lazonby. The Lady
Helewise was found to hold two parts of Levington, Skelton
and Kirkandrews in barony, making suit to the county of
Cumberland.
The partition of these estates is of the greatest interest in
the territorial history of the county. The moieties in Aikton,
Burgh-by-Sands, Kirkoswald, Lazonby and HofF, which were
the Morvill lands brought into the family by the marriage of
Ada de Morvill with Ralf de Levinton, were awarded to
Thomas, son of Thomas de Multon of Gillesland, as the next
heir, but the barony of Levinton, or Kirklinton, as it was
afterwards called, passed to the six daughters of Adam son of
Adam son of Richer, sisters of Sir Richard de Levinton,
Helewise's uncle. From the inquisition of 1272 ^ we learn
that these sister co-heiresses were Eupheme de Kirkbride,
Isabel de Twynham, Agnes de Corry, Margory de Hampton,
Juliane de Carrick and Eve de Suthayk, all of whom were
living in Scotland except Robert son and heir of Margory de
Hampton, who was of full age, and Richard, the heir of
Eupheme de Kirkbride, in the county of Cumberland, a
minor. The division of the Levington lands was made in six
equal portions: Robert de Hampton received the capital
messuage of Skelton and other details ; Patrick and Roland de
Carrick, details ; Walter de Twynham, who appointed Eudes
de Beauchamp to receive his share, land in Unthank, StafFold,
Bewcastle and Skelton ; Richard son of Richard de Kirkbride,
a minor, the manor of Levington, with other lands ; Walter
de Corry, details ; and Patrick de Suthayk, who appointed
Walter de Twynham to receive his portion, Kirkandrews and
details. The church advowsons and knights' fees and the
dower of Sarra, wife of Robert de Paveley, formerly wife of
Richard de Levinton, were not divided at that time. All the
1 Inq. p.m. 56 Hen. III. No. 35 ; Close Roll, i Edw. I. m. 10 ; ibid. 2
Edw. I. m. \d, 3 Edw. I. m. 25, 30.
84
THE ANCESTOR
heirs did homage on receiving their portions with the excep-
tion of Richard de Kirkbride, who was under age, and Patrick
de Suthayk. The 'dower of Sara de Pavel ey was divided on
her death in 1300 among the heirs of the six coparceners
above mentioned. Much of the Levinton property was con-
ficated during the Scottish war of independence, as several of
the heirs were Scotsmen and opposed the English claims.
Richard de Boyville of Levington
Adam = Juliane
d. 1 177
Adam de Levinton, d. i2io
Wiliiam
Richard
d. s.p.
1250
Sara
: Robert de
Paveley
Ralf:
d.
1253
Ada de Eupheme Isabel Agnes Margery Juliane Eve
Morvill de de de de de de
Kirkbride Twynham Corry Hampton Carrick Suthayk
Helevirise = Eustace de Balliol
d. s.p.
1272
JAMES WILSON.
THE ARMS OF THE SANDES OF
CUMBERLAND
LYSONS writing in 1 8 1 6 stated that as the arms of Sandes
or Sandys were not described in St. George's Visitation
of 1 6 1 5, it was uncertain what coat was borne by the Cumber-
land family. By chance I met with evidence at the Public
Record Office which established the point beyond dispute.
A short pedigree of Edwin Sandes, bishop of Worcester,
afterwards Bishop of London and Archbishop of York, com-
piled by William Hervy, Clarenceux king of arms, will be
found in the State Papers^ Domestic^ Elizabeth, Addenda, vol.
xii. 92. It is as follows — being headed by a shield of arms in
colours — -gold with a dance ^ules between three croslets fitchy gules.
Sandes of Sainct Bees
in the conte of
Comberland
John Sandes William Sandes
second sone
Roger Sandes
had yssue George Sandes
had yssue
William Sandes
had vssue William Sandes, who served
ye king in his wars and
was justice of peace where
Robert Sandes he lived, had yssue
Edwyn Sandes
now bisshope
of Worcester
This is the arms and dyssent of Sandes of St. Bees in the Conte of Comberland.
In witnes wherof I have her unto subscribed my name.
W. Hervv alias Clarencieulx King of Armes.
As Edwin Sandes became Bishop of Worcester in 1559 and
Hervy died in 1567, the date of the compilation must lie
between these years. It will be seen that the document,
hitherto unpublished as far as I know, contains many points
of interest in the genealogy of this family.
JAMES WILSON.
8s
I
THE EVOLUTION OF THE COMBED
HELMET
MOST readers of 'The Ancestor are sufficiendy acquainted
with the general appearance of European medieval
armour to be able to recognize the period to which any speci-
men brought under their notice may belong, and therefore a
few notes on the evolution of the combed helmet may be
interesting.
The available supply of armour is so small that the
ordinary collector is glad to secure any desirable piece obtain-
able without special reference to its relation to other examples
in his collection. Consequently the study of the stages of
developments of any particular weapon or portion of defensive
armour is somewhat difficult. If the following notes should
induce other students to take up some of the many other inter-
esting and obscure questions of a similar nature they will have
served a useful purpose.
The ordinary helmet as seen on most suits of armour has
a well defined comb or crest. The cause of the appearance
and final disappearance of this comb can only be conjectural,
and the following suggestions must not be regarded as
dogmatic assertions.
From the earliest times the advantages of the steel head-
guard being brought to an edge or point at the top of the
crown were so apparent that almost every example known is
thus designed.
87
88
THE ANCESTOR
No. I. The first example selected for illustration has a
skuUpiece with a simple ridge, and is intended to show the
last stage of the English helmet before the introduction of
even an embryo comb.
My collection being but small it is not suggested that the
best possible examples are shown, but it is hoped that in each
instance they will sufficiently answer my purpose.
This helmet is also curious as being a funeral helm made
up, for some economical family, from portions of three helmets,
that is to say, from two buffs or reinforcing pieces and the
fifteenth century skull-piece already referred to. Although
closely resembling an ordinary helm of the period it was
never actually worn in battle.
No. 2 is a German helmet of the early part of the sixteenth
century, when fluted armour had come into fashion. At first
the fluted ridges on the skuUpiece were all practically the
same in size, but by the time this specimen was made the
centre ridge had slightly developed, as it was there the necessity
of resistance against the battle axe, heavy two-handed^ sword
and mace was the greatest.
No. 3 shows an English helmet of a little later date, when
the side flutes had disappeared, the central one, now somewhat
larger, being alone retained, and the comb may now be
regarded as a definite and important part of the helmet.
90
THE ANCESTOR
No. 4, a Spanish helmet, engraved and dated 1557, shows
the comb still higher, but retaining the graceful curves by
which it rises from the crownpiece.
No. 5. An English helmet of the latter half of the
sixteenth century. Here the comb has reached its fullest
useful height. The helmet is exceedingly light as compared
with the earlier examples, its shape making it amply strong
enough to divert a lance thrust, whilst the high comb defended
the wearer from the heaviest cut of the swords then in use.
No. 6. In this Italian burgonet the decadence of armour
is well illustrated. Although but little later than No. 5, the
leaders of fashion had decided that for many purposes a light
headpiece open in front was preferable to the more heavy
closed helmet which sadly interfered with the breathing of the
wearer. The comb was carried to an unnecessary height to
permit of elaborate decoration.
It should be noted that the skuUpieces of all the helmets
up to this sample were forged out of one piece of metal with-
out a join, and as the armourer had also to keep them of the
correct and mutable thickness throughout, they are wonderful
instances of mechanical skill.
92
THE ANCESTOR
No. 7. In this early seventeenth century helmet the comb
has lost its original value, and exists in a modified form pro-
bably as a sort of Darwinian survival of an extinct fashion.
The particular shape of the comb is, so far as I can ascertain
unique, and the armourer's art having degenerated, the skull-
piece is made of two parts joined along the comb.
No. 8. This headpiece, worn by the troopers during the
Cromwellian wars, only retains the once important comb as a
convenient means of strongly joining the two sides of the
helmet, and is a mere ridge.
No. 9. This light English casque of about the same
period has lost every trace of a comb, the armourer evidently
thinking he showed superior skill in joining its two halves
without the ugly ridge shown in No. 8, and the skull, so far
as the shape is concerned, is very similar to the late fifteenth
century helm with which my series commenced.
Considerations of space have prevented details being given
as to the weapons against which these helmets were a defence ;
but in this instance the wearer evidently recognized that no |
armour could resist firearms, and so long as it saved him from
a sword slash in a skirmish, or from boiling water or lead
when assaulting a fortified house, he was content.
A consideration of the evolution and decay of the combed
helmet is, as will be seen from these notes, a simple matter.
How much more interesting would be an explanation of the
causes leading to the manufacture of the elaborate sword hilts
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, or the reasons for
the extraordinary diversity of the strange shafted weapons of
the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.
T. G. NEVILL.
ARMS AND THE INLAND REVENUE
THE story of Arms and the Inland Revenue Office should
be written from the inside of that office if the arduous
day's work of a civil servant would but permit of such liter-
ary relaxations. The application of the tax upon armorial
bearings leaves much to be amended from the point of view
of everybody but the humourist, yet the only proposal for
amendment comes, as might be expected, trom the eager and
disinterested gentleman who sees that England would be a
terror to foes without and an Eden garden within were but
the College of Arms in Queen Victoria Street restored to that
position of splendid authority which it possessed at some un-
specified period in the olden time. With a herald lying in
wait on the one hand and on the other the lurking Inland
Revenue clerk, the bearer of ' authorized arms ' might go by
in safety, secure with his official talismans of emblazoned
parchment and receipted bill, but from the bearer of arms
* unauthorized by the College ' such yearly taxes should be
squeezed that for very economy he should implore ' authoriza-
tion ' from Garter and his fellows with tears and cheques.
Other amendments of the law will suggest themselves
even to those who refuse to share this beautiful dream of a
bettered world. The tax upon armorial bearings borne upon
carriages is reasonable enough. Respectability has been de-
fined in a court of law {R. v. 'Thurtell) as the keeping of a gig^
and when armorial bearings have been added to its panels, the
gig may weU stand for material prosperity. That the pros-
perous classes should pay our taxes is a financial ideal to
nineteen out of twenty Englishmen, and as an initial or a
badge might be used upon a carriage without loss of dignity
the man who will pay for the retention of his painted lions
and griffiDns is presumably one able to affi3rd that so necessary
thing the superfluity. For him the two guinea tax might be
five guineas with little injury to the taxed one and some aid
to us others in paying our war bill.
But the one guinea tax upon armorial bearings ' otherwise
worn or displayed ' is another matter. Here we have a tax
94
THE ANCESTOR
stupid and vexatious. First of all it is partial in its applica-
tion. No reasonable measures are taken to ensure its due
collection, and whilst inflicting in many cases needless annoy-
ance the return from it can hardly justify the expenses of the
department having charge of it. When, we may ask, are
armorial bearings ' worn and displayed ' ? The silken coat
embroidered with arms is kept off the military parade by his
Majesty's regulations concerning uniform, and even if it were
not so the most imaginative Boer could hardly hope to be
allowed such a mark for a peep-sight as would be afforded by
a captain shepherding his company in a coat of gules with a
silver eagle placed, as our learned heralds would say, ' in bulls-
eye point.' In civil life the coat of arms is unfamiliar
wear for Bond Street, and the banner has gone. Private
banners in war would seem to be forbidden by the act of
Henry VII. although a pennon of arms is recorded as having
fluttered over the South African tent of an officer curious in
such matters. But amongst all the Houndsditch bunting
which lately decorated London rejoicing no personal ensign
showed. The London palaces of our nobles, old or new,
flew the flag of the merchant marine, the banner of King
George IV. or the warning signal of Yellow Jack, but the
Percy lion and the Gliickstein lifeboat took no part in the
pageant.
Arms upon houses are rare in London. A row of
villas near Tooting Common bears, it is true, a coat of arms,
apparently of the builder's designing, upon each gable, and
the houses with which Messrs. Ernest George and Peto have
done something for the beautifying of Kensington make some
play with armorial tympana to their doorways. These, for
the most part, with arms which, although they have afforded
somewhat perplexing work for the decorative carver, are of
the class held blameless by Mr. X, recent purchases which are
not without their historical interest, suggesting as they do to
the passing antiquary that the proud houses represented by
them had their rise in Collingham Gardens in the more re-
mote eighteen eighties. There is too the palace upon the
Embankment with its gilded caravel for a vane, within whose
splendid walls it is believed that our fellow citizen Mr.
Astor administers his great estate. The tax which Mr.
Astor should render to the revenue for displaying over his
front door the arms of the extinct family of the Counts of
ARMS AND THE INLAND REVENUE 95
Astorg might well be decided upon by a committee upon
which Mr. Horace Round should sit with the editor of the
New York Journal and the head of the house of Montmorenci-
Rohan-Noailles de Kergournadec.
Blazons over doors, then, yield little to the Exchequer ;
tabards of arms are not and banners are put aside for ever.
In what other ways do we ' wear or otherwise display ' our
arms. Some of us have seal rings, although the bezel of
many rings is a virgin one, but notwithstanding the fact that
the gummed line of our envelopes has deteriorated until the
envelope opens itself in the postbag we are too lazy for that
delightful ceremonial the middle aged can well recall — the
lighting of the wax taper, the splash and stirring of the seal-
ing wax, the deft impression of the seal. So does the tax
resolve itself into a petty inquisition of the revenue office to
ascertain whether the mazy lines of our ^ symbolist ' book-
plates conceal something of heraldry, or whether the fancy
stationer has sent home our half-ream of notepaper with a
demi-lion rampant in the left hand top corner or with merely
' The Laburnums ' in old English lettering.
Of what may constitute the wearing or displaying of arms
we have no word of warning from the Inland Revenue Office.
There is a legend, and probably a true one, that an unfortunate
Scot in London was caught by the department in the act of
using a brass seal which yielded an impression of a thistle
with ' Dinna Forget ' on a scroll below it, and although a
thistle does not by itself constitute an ' armorial bearing,' nor
is the saying of ' Dinna Forget ' an accessory thereof, a dread-
ful banging of saxpences followed the capture. In August of
this year the newspapers chronicled the summoning of a
clergyman who was charged with carrying upon his person
a silver sovereign purse of the value of five shillings, the face
of which showed that it had once been engraved with a 'crest.*
It would seem that for quiet possession of this precious object
its owner had paid a guinea yearly to the revenue, but,
pleading that the engraving was now faint and rubbed, he
ceased to pay his impost. The case was adjourned for a
second hearing, and we may well ask why the time of com-
missioners, magistrates, clerks and solicitors should be occu-
pied by such a tuppenny dispute. It has, we believe, been
urged by the Inland Revenue Department that the mere pos-
session of furniture, glass, plate or other objects with armorial
96
THE ANCESTOR
bearings constitutes a use of them, in which case the impost,
if it were generally and fearlessly demanded, would rise to
the proportions of a guinea poll-tax. For which of us from
those of the middling sort upward but has some object bear-
ing arms in his custody, for the Inland Revenue, be it noted,
does not enter into the question of whether the arms are
yours or your uncle's or your butler's. In cases where the
arms are a man's own, the arms of his house and line, the
hardship may often be greater. Let a china basin remain to
you of some eighteenth century service with your great-
grandfather's arms painted on it in the colours of Nankin.
Break it you must, or sell it, or, it may be, bury it, for if
your wife fills it with marigolds you are using armorial bear-
ings and are taxable. The few odd family teaspoons with a
crest upon them make you liable to a tax if you stir your tea
with them, and your father's ring, although his father wore it
and that one's father before him, must be locked up or parted
with if you cannot spare a yearly guinea for its use. The
case of the sovereign purse shows that no trumpery is too
remote for the perquisition, and the three mean little seven-
and-sixpenny wall shields of your school and college and of
what the stationer in the High assured you were your arms
must come down from your walls with all their recollections
if you are curate, or what not, with no guineas to spare.
With all this no protection is given to the arms paid
for. A trade mark pays, but it is registered and protected.
Here it is otherwise. You may in the privacy of your heart
nourish a harmless pride that you are not as other men in
that you are last survivor of a line which flew a square banner
at Agincourt, but if you carry that banner's golden hedgehog
or green griffon on an old seal for the possession of which
you have paid no tax, you will be fined, and fined smartly,
whilst your new-rich neighbour, who on the strength of a
remote resemblance of surname has powdered house, carriage
and plate with the arms which belong in honour and right
to you alone, pays his two guineas and is law free. And these
things cannot be otherwise, for there is nobody in the land
which is competent to pronounce with authority upon such
questions of right in armorial bearings — neither the Commis-
sioners of Inland Revenue nor the officers of the institution
with which Mr. X. would have them hunt in couples.
Stupid, partial and meddlesome, here is surely one of the
ARMS AND THE INLAND REVENUE 97
taxes which might follow the window tax to the lumber-room
of the Exchequer. New and more suitable objects of tax-
ation can surely be found than the little things which remind
many a small middle-class family of other times and days.
And buzzing under our window as we write we hear and
smell a fifteen hundred guinea motor car. It has no armorial
bearings upon its panels, indeed it does not seem to have any
panels, and yet —
O. B.
3
98 THE ANCESTOR
THE GENESIS OF A MYTH
A NOTION seems to have got abroad that the modern
school of genealogists — or one section of it — is bent
solely upon destruction for its own sake ; that a form of
antiquarian nihilism is prevalent which rages frantically
against the most venerable and glorious of English tradi-
tions and gloats over and revels in its unholy work. It is
not for me to champion the cause of the gentlemen who are
so maligned or misunderstood. They are fully capable of
taking care of themselves. But it may not be amiss if I try
to state how it comes to pass that so many students of
genealogy are disposed to insist on their having fair play.
Persons who are really jealous for the honour of an in-
stitution or an ideal are those who most strongly object to
its degradation, whether that degradation be brought about
by a lowering of the standard or by a substituting of a mere
imitation for the genuine thing. A simple illustration will
suffice to make this clear. His Majesty the King has recently
created an Order of Merit. To this order twelve distinguished
persons have been admitted. Whether they are the most dis-
tinguished Englishmen alive is not the question. It is indis-
putable that they are great and distinguished, and that, in their
several departments, they are representative of the greatness
of the empire. This fact is, of itself, sufficient to invest the
order with that characteristic excellence which men are prone
to reverence. It is certain, moreover, that the reverence for
the order will vary inversely with the number of members
admitted into it. It is this very character of exclusiveness
which will cause men to regard it as an honourable distinction
to belong to the order. The like holds good in the depart-
ment of genealogy. There are certain families who represent
the ancient aristocracy of this country. They are compara-
tively few in number. They may have been, like Sir George
Sitwell's English gentleman, the mere products originally of
circumstances and conditions by which they profited and over
which they triumphed. The precise elements which entered
into their composition at the very first and which secured for
them a foremost place in bygone ages may not now appear to
THE GENESIS OF A MYTH
US to be qualities which entitle them to rank with those who
constitute the King*s Order of Merit. It is too probable that,
like man's conscience, which ethical teachers tells us is the
mere result of an evolutionary process by which the baser and
more selfish elements are transmuted into the noblest of man's
attributes, they profited by endowments of mind and of body
and by methods and artifices which they — many of them —
neither now possess nor would care to employ. Whatever
their origin they stand for us to-day as the representatives of
the ancient aristocracy of England. (I use the term aristocracy
rather than nobility or gentry because many are now noble
who can never be said to have been gentle and many are
gentle who have never been ennobled.) Of this ancient
aristocracy certain existing families are clearly representative
and certain families are commonly supposed to be representa-
tive and are not. The critical school of genealogists, the
nihilists, are anxious to differentiate the latter class from the
former. They have no desire to depreciate the many ex-
cellent qualities of the latter class or to deny them the title
of noble in its amplest modern signification, but they refuse
to admit claims which are invalid or which cannot be substan-
tiated historically. Their interests and aims are conservative
in the truest sense : their nihilism is only towards things
spurious and concocted. They feel that the only way of
preserving what remains of ancient lineage and of the prestige
which comes of it is by distinguishing clearly between what
is ancient and what is modern, and also that the only way ot
securing respect for family history, as such, is by being strictly
honest in dealing with it. They repudiate utterly the annexe
to the ancient Abbey of St. Peter, and prefer real red baize and
bunting to the hateful imitation of lath and plaster which is
intended to deceive the eye of the uninitiated.
With this rather discursive and prolix introduction — for
which I crave the editor's indulgence — I proceed to the sub-
ject of my article. My purpose is to discuss the genesis of a
genealogical myth, not retrospectively but proleptically. If my
treatment of it should be such as to compel others to prove
that my myth is no myth at all, but a real, substantial, verifi-
able fact, or should show it to be a thing of so tenuious a con-
sistency as not even to merit the name of myth, I shall be
equally well satisfied.
Two newspapers, one of them a London daily and the
100 THE ANCESTOR
other a leading provincial daily, have with characteristic
temerity set about providing the famous general and ex-
sirdar of Egypt — Sir Francis Grenfell — who has recently
been rewarded with a peerage, with an ancestry which cer-
tainly leaves nothing to be desired in the way of splendour
or of antiquity. The lineage imputed to the new peer is
none other than that of direct descent from the great Norman
house of Granville, and of collateral relationship with famous
Sir Richard Grenville of the Revenge and with his famous
grandson Sir Bevill, who fell at Lansdown fighting for the
king. The London daily is very explicit. The family of
the ex-sirdar (so it states) is identical with that of Grenville
and Granville. The provincial paper, over the initials R. G.,
states the same thing, though with somewhat less confidence,
and gives a number of details which lend colour to the sup-
position. The former refers to a statement of Dr. Borlase,
the Cornish historian, in support of its statement ; R. G., with
more cogency, refers to the registers of St. Just-in-Penwith,
from which parish it is admitted the family of Lord Grenfell
sprang, and to certain considerations which will be dealt with
in due course.
It becomes necessary therefore to examine the testimony
of Dr. Borlase, which, as that of a vicar of St. Just from 1732
to 1772 and of one who devoted the best years of his life to
the study of antiquities, ought to be valuable. What Dr.
Borlase says, speaking of Kalynack, the antient Domesday
manor of Chellenoch, is this : ' It belonged in the last
generation, as I have been informed by Mr. Allen this
6th June 1762, to Grenville of Stow, Earl of Bath ; and
by remains of a like name common in the parish, written
Grinfield, Grenfield and Grenfell in the parish register, it is
probable that a branch of the family settled in the parish.'
Dr. Borlase's statement is quite unexceptionable both in its
caution and in its candour. Every one will agree with him
that Grenfell may be the same name as Grenville or Granville.
William Grenville, Archbishop of York, appears in the Patent
Rolls and other records almost invariably as William de
Grenefeld, so there need be no cavilling over the name,
although in passing one may be permitted to observe that
ceteris paribus Greenfield or its equivalent is equally pro-
bable as the original form of it. Dr. Borlase's testimony
therefore amounts to no more than this, that Mr. Allen, who
THE GENESIS OF A MYTH loi
at that time lived at Bossavern, which formed part of Kalynack
manor, said that the manor belonged to Grenville, Earl of
Bath, some thirty or forty years before the statement was made.
As is well known, the Grenville Earls of Bath were three
in number, viz. John, Charles and William Henry, and they
held the Bath peerage from 1661 to 1711, but there is not a
tittle of evidence adduced so far to show that they were ever
lords of Kalinack manor. R. G. states that it passed from the
Hankfords to the St. Legers and from the St. Legers to the
Grenvilles. This assumption is purely gratuitous. If R. G.'s
surmise be correct, the manor would have been with the St.
Legers in 1509-23, i.e. at the unspecified date of King
Henry's first lay subsidy ; whereas what we actually dis-
cover from the subsidy roll is that towards that subsidy
' John Fitzwaryn Kl, Lora Fitzwaryn ' paid for the lands of
that manor the sum of iGs. 6d, This Lord Fitzwarine
(John Bourchier) was created Earl of Bath in the year 1536.
Hitherto I have been unable to discover a single Grenfell or
Grenville in the subsidy rolls relating to St. Just parish. The
manor of Kalinack, on the death of the sixth Fulke, Lord
Fitzwarine, passed to his daughter Elizabeth, who married
Sir Richard Hankford, and thence by the marriage of their
daughter Thom^asine to Sir William Bourchier, who was
summoned to Parliament in 1448-9 as Lord Fitzwarine.
This Sir William Bourchier was the grandfather of John
Bourchier who contributed to the subsidy referred to, and
who was the first Earl of Bath. His descendants. Earls of
Bath, continued to hold the manor until 1654, when the
family became extinct in the male line.
It seems certain therefore that either Mr. Allen was ignor-
ant of the earlier Earls of Bath, and erred through ignorance,
or that he was misinformed. His error was such as any one
not versed in family history might be guilty of, when we
remember that it was only seven years after the extinction of
the first earldom that the second was created, that the second
earldom only remained with the Grenvilles half a century,
and that rather more than half a century had elapsed since
its final extinction when the communication was made to
Dr. Borlase. For these reasons Mr. Allen's statement may
be passed over. But why do R. G. and the London news-
paper insist upon the possession of Kalynack manor by the
Grenvilles } Simply because, assuming it to be a fact, it will
I02
THE ANCESTOR
serve to account for the presence of the Grenfells at St. Just.
No evidence of Grenville ownership being forthcoming, the
only vestige of evidence in favour the Grenville-Grenfell
relationship is swept away.
It is interesting, however, to observe how Borlase's
guarded statement is paraphrased by the London paper.
' Borlase,' so it tells us, ' observes that the Grenfells had a
seat at the Lands End.' Of course Borlase says nothing of
the kind ; but, if the Grenfells had ever had a seat in this
neighbourhood, there would surely be some trace of it in
the records relating thereto. So far from this being so, there
is not a single Grenfell will or administration either at
Bodmin or in the Principal Registry at Exeter prior to the
year 1724, when Richard Grenfell' s will was proved at
Bodmin. There are no Grenfell wills at Somerset House
until after 1603. I have not examined the kalendars subse-
quent to that date. It is simply inconceivable that a family,
possessed of a family seat, should have left no trace whatever
of departed greatness. The first mention of them — apart
from the parish register, which I will consider presently — is
in the will of John Bossavern of Bossavern — one of the last
members of a family long extinct — dated May 20, 1629. In
this will the testator bequeaths to Mary the wife of Glyn
Veale ' all that debt that Isaack GlanfiU oweth me if she can
get it from the said Isaack.' He had previously bequeathed
twenty shillings to each of Glyn Veale's three daughters ; so
there is no reason to suppose that ' all that debt ' was any-
thing more than a comparatively small sum of money.
There is nothing in the parish registers to indicate a social
position superior to that of others, with perhaps one solitary
entry which records the marriage of Hercules Glanfield in
1 63 1 to Jane Busvargus. The family of Busvargus is
amongst those given in the Visitation of 1620, but I have
been unable to identify Jane. Of the remaining 629 entries
which are to be found between the years 1599 and 1862
there is not one which the registrar has dignified with the
title of Mr. or gentleman.
Mr. Buller, vicar of St. Just from 1827 to 1846, in his
charming little history of St. Just, gives a facsimile of a
document containing the list, with the signatures, of those
who swore to be true and faithful to his Highness the Lord
Protector 'Against forraigne invadors and dysturbers of the
THE GENESIS OF A MYTH 103
Peace of this nation,* dated May i, 1658. Amongst those
who signed is to be found Pasko Grenfield, the ancestor of
Lord Grenfell.
Those who are conversant with the history of the great
rebellion do not need to be reminded of the inconsistencies
which characterized the political careers of members of the
same family, but it is nevertheless startling to find a claim
advanced on behalt of Pasko Grenfell, the staunch supporter
of Cromwell, of relationship to Sir Bevill Grenville, who, but
fifteen years before, had laid down his life for King Charles,
and to Sir Richard his brother, whose proud boast it was
eleven years later, i.e. only four years before his supposed
relative signed the declaration, that all his ancestors since the
Conquest of England were ever 'constantly for services of
the crown of England.' Of Pasko Grenfield's parentage
nothing is certainly known, owing to the loss of the St. Just
record of baptisms prior to 1630. He married Juliana,
daughter of John Oates of St. Just, by whom he became
the father of John Grenfield. John Grenfield married Rachel
Tregear, and was the father of four children who survived
him, viz. Paskow, Mary, Juliana and John. Paskow the
second married (i) Mary Edwards, whose parents were of
good condition at St. Just, but who died without issue ; and
(2) at St. Hilary, Mary, the daughter of John Morgham of
Marazion, merchant. This Paskow or Pascoe Grenfell was a
successful merchant at Penzance, and the founder of the
fortunes of the Grenfell family. From the time that they
left St. Just the Grenfells have thriven wonderfully. They
have been members of Parliament, and gained distinction
both in the army and in the navy. They have intermarried
with the noblest families, and have been widely known as
financiers and philanthropists. They have rowed in the
University boat, and have enjoyed the sunshine of royal
favour. There is scarcely any department of public or of
private life wherein they have not been honourably dis-
tinguished. That the claim to Norman descent should have
been put forward is much to be regretted, especially as one
can hardly believe that it is done with their approval.
There are still one or two points which deserve notice.
Descendants of Paskow Grenfell the first survive at St. Just,
but they continue to occupy much the same position as their
republican ancestor occupied in the seventeenth century.
THE ANCESTOR
The local representative still rejoices in the name of Pascoe,
as did his father and great grandfather before him. Only
those who have worked upon descents which are problem-
atical can understand the difficulty of articulating the various
members of a pedigree when parochial records are unsup-
ported — as in the case before us — by wills, administrations
and inquisitions mortem. In this case there is no difficulty
however when once we come to Paskow the first. His son's
marriage to Rachel Tregear would never have been known
but for the Bodmin transcript, for the St. Just register is
defective between 1677 and 1682 — -an instance which may
serve to illustrate the value of the bishops' transcripts. The
marriage entry of Pascoe Grenfell and Mary Maugham
at St. Hilary is interesting, the father being described of
' St. Just in the West.'
I had intended to pass over R. G.'s disquisition upon
Christian names. It is so curious however that a word may
be added. After confessing his inability to discover the
missing Grenville-Grenfill link, he refers to the prevalence of
Nicholas as a Christian name amongst the Grenfells. He
observes that Nicholas was a common Christian name
amongst the Cavells, and concludes that 'it is therefore
possible that the Grenfells were descended from Digory
Grenville, third son of Sir Roger Grenville of Stow, whose
second wife (married about 1540) was Mary, daughter of
Nicholas Cavell of St. Kew. Now the first Nicholas Grenfell
who appears at St. Just is Nicholas the son of Edmund and
Cheston Grenfell, who was baptized in 1676, i.e. 136 years
after the Grenville-Cavell marriage. Fancy being pursued
by the name of Nicholas — old Nick himself might do this
perhaps — for 136 years, and then finally consenting to bestow
that not altogether uncommon name upon your unhappy
son ! This juggling with names is only one out of many
instances which could be given of the fatuous attempts which
are made to manufacture evidence where none exists. If
the myth of a Grenville descent could be shown to be
something worthy of a better name, no one would welcome
the evidence more gladly than the present writer ; but until
that evidence is forthcoming he feels compelled to regard it as
a myth in embryo, which he trusts will never arrive at a fur-
ther stage of development.
THOMAS TAYLOR, M.A.
THE HUGUENOT FAMILIES IN ENGLAND
IL THE BARONS
SIDE by side with such Huguenot families as the Tryons,
rich merchants whose necks and money bags were alike
endangered by their profession of ' the religion ' — came other
emigrants fleeing a more imminent danger. These were the
ministers of the reformed Churches, of whom many took
refuge in England with their families, soon Englishing them-
selves in speech and habit, and adding a new note to that
chorus of religious controversy which was as the breath of
the nostrils to English scholars of the sixteenth and seven-
teenth century. Of such were the Barons, a family for four
generations settled in Cambridge, Lincolnshire and Norfolk.
Pierre Baron, or Petrus Baro, as he wrote himself after
the fashion of the continental theologians of his day, the
founder of this family in England, was a scholar and divine
of some note in his day ; for this foreign graft in the English
Church may claim ancestorship of the great High Church
party of the seventeenth century, whose service to England
was to save her from the claws of Calvinism.
From a collection of family papers which Cole the anti-
quary transcribed from a MS. under the hand of Thomas
Baker we learn much of the early history of the famous
Petrus.^ He was the son of Estienne Baron of Etampes near
Orleans, by Philippe Petit his wife, and was one of many
children of whom the names are preserved of Jehan Baron
and Florent Baron, both apparently elder brothers of Pierre.
The family seems to have been one of the rich bourgeoisie or
petite noblesse. Peter Baron, who was possibly a nephew of
our theologian, is remarkable as having at a great age de-
fended Etampes during a siege, to which siege he himself
gave that measure of immortality which a long epic poem in
Latin — Stempanum Halosis — can assure. With Pierre Baron
the theologian let our genealogy begin.
I. Pierre Baron, born about 1534 at Etampes, was bred
^ British Museum Add. MS. 5832.
105
io6
THE ANCESTOR
a scholar, taking his degrees of bachelor and licentiate ot civil
law at Bourges,^ which town was then the headquarters of the
reformed doctrine in France. In 1557 he was received as
an advocate in the parliament court at Paris. 'Afterwards,
being aged 26 years, the year and month in which Francis II.
King of France, died at Orleans, that is to say the year 1560,
in December, he withdrew himself to Geneva and there,
having given himself to the study of theology, was made
minister and received the imposition of hands from Jean
Calvin' [Coles MS.]. At some date between the 17 May
and 7 June 1563 he was married at Gien on the Loire
to Guillemette Burgoin daughter of Estienne Burgoin,
a merchant, by Lopza Dozival his wife. Her brothers,
Francois Burgoin and Antoine Burgoin, are named amongst
the godparents of their sister's children. Coming to Eng-
land with his family he was befriended by the Lord Burghley,
who was at that time Chancellor of the University of Cam-
bridge. Cambridge received the foreign scholar under its
Chancellor's protection, and on 3 Feb. I57|- he was incor-
porated in those degrees in law which he had taken at
Bourges. In 1576 he received the degree of Doctor of
Divinity, and on 1 1 July of that year he was incorporated
in the same degree at Oxford. On the 18 March 157! his
university recommended his case to the Secretaries of State,
and he was preferred to the Lady Margaret Professorship of
Hebrew. The active mind of Baron did not long allow itself
to enjoy its newly gotten freedom in quiet content. His
earlier experiences of Calvinism, coloured as they were by
personal knowledge of both Calvin and Beza, had turned the
bent of his mind against that system which was then in
Baron's early days at Cambridge so eagerly studied by his
fellows. In 1 58 1 he was already reckoned as one inclined
to Arminianism, and was indeed suspect of another heresy —
the loathed doctrine of tolerance for the religious beliefs of
others, a tolerance which Dr. Baron would have extended, as
it was believed, to the beliefs of those who had hunted him
from his native land. His sallies into controversy was very
ill received by his adopted countrymen, and he was soon
risking that Tudor wrath which might readily have proved as
unwholesome for a theologian as the zeal of any inquisitor.
In December of 1595 Whitgift wrote that Dr. Baro had
1 9 and 10 April, 1555 (Cok's MS.).
HUGUENOT FAMILIES 107
greatly offended her Majesty ' that he, being a stranger and so
well used, should dare to stir up or maintain any controversy
in that place of what nature soever — Non decet hominem pere-
grinum curios urn esse in aliena republica' ^
The plain words of warning came too late to save Doctor
Baro at Cambridge. On 12 Jan. 159! he preached before the
University at Great St. Mary's, criticizing those Lambeth
Articles which Whitaker, Tyndal and Whitgift had drawn
up for the repression of anti-Calvinism. It was in vain for
Doctor Baro to protest that he formally accepted those articles,
for the controversialist allowed himself to explain his construc-
tion of them. In the November of 1596 his term as Lady
Margaret Professor ended and it was not renewed, although
he offered, if re-elected, to be cautious in his words concerning
predestination, or, better still, to leave that vexed question
alone for the future. To the High Calvinist this refusal of
battle at the crossways had something in it of insult.
Calvinism would not accept toleration, and although Burghley
stood by Dr. Baro, and Harsnet, the northern archbishop,
and Lancelot Andrewes, Cambridge would not hold the ex-
Lady Margaret Professor. ' Fugioy he said, ^ ne fugarer^ and
for the second time in his life Doctor Baro fled the storm.
The rest of his years were spent in London at a house in Dyers
Yard, Crutched Friars, in the parish of St.Olave's in Hart Street.
There under the altar of the parish church he was buried,
Bancroft the Bishop of London commanding the attendance
of all his parish clergy at the funeral, at which Doctors of
Divinity walked as pall-bearers. Twenty years later all the
best bishoprics and deaneries were filled by the supporters of
those tenets for which Dr. Petrus Baro had been hunted from
Cambridge.
He left a will dated in March 1598, written in the Latin
which was for a mother tongue to the wandering scholars and
divines of his day. Petrus Baro — he describes himself therein
— -juris primum civilis licentiatus deinde theologie professor^ Gallus
Stempanus — a Frenchman of Etampes — nunc Londini in Anglia
degens^ annos natus sexaginta quatuor^ et bona nihilominus jirma
memoria judicioque dei gracia sano. By this will he gave ten
shillings to Margaret, formerly his maid, who lived at Cam-
bridge. He gave to his two twin daughters, Elizabeth and
Katherine, 100/. each if they were unmarried at his death.
1 Whitgift' s Works y iii. 617.
io8
THE ANCESTOR
The residue of his goods in England or in France he gave
amongst his children Peter, Andrew, Martha, Mary, Eliza-
beth and Katherine. He made his sons Peter and Andrew
his executors, who proved the will 27 April 1599 [P. C.C. 28
Kidd].
By his wife Guillemette Burgoin, who died before him,
Petrus Baro left issue : —
i. Peter Baron of Boston in Lincolnshire, esquire, of whom
hereafter.
ii. Estienne Baron, born at Orleans 4 Nov. 1567, and
christened there the same day. He died 4 Feb. 1568.
iii. Estienne Baron, born at Sancerre 10 Oct. 1568. He
was christened the same day and died on the morrow.
iv. Andrew Baron of Boston in Lincolnshire, gentleman.
He was born at Cambridge 8 July 1574, and was
christened there the following Sunday. He was
buried at Boston 25 May 1658. His will is dated
I August 1653. He gave to Andrew Slee (his
grandson) all his lands and tenements, save his house
in Gaunt Lane, with remainder, should the said
Andrew die without issue to George Slee (another
grandchild), with certain exceptions in favour or
Hester Slee (another grandchild) and Mary Slee. To
his daughter Mary Houbelon, if a widow, he gave
the dwelling house dwelled in by Master Bedford.
To his nephew Doctor (Samuel) Baron, to Mary
Houblon, to Anne Slee and to Margaret Slee he gave
small legacies in money, and the residue of his goods,
with the house in Gaunt Lane, which was probably
his own dwelling house, he gave to his son (in law)
George Slee. Administration with this will annexed
was granted 29 Nov. 1658 [P. C.C. 614 Wootton\ to
the said George Slee, the residuary legatee.
Andrew Baron's wife's name was Hester. She was
buried at Boston i April 1639. By her he had
issue : —
I. Hester Baron, who was married at Boston
25 Sep. 1628 to George Slee of Boston and
Algarkirk, gent. He was born about 1607,
being aged 33 in 15 Car. L, when he was a
deponent in the suit which Peter Baron (his
wife's first cousin once removed) brought
HUGUENOT FAMILIES 109
by his guardian against Newdigate Poyntz
and others [Chan, pro, before 17 14, Mitford
599]. Hester Slee was buried at Boston
17 August 1637. George Slee remarried
with Mary (probably dau. of Daniel Hoube-
lon, who was buried at Boston 2 Jan. i6ff).
She was buried at Boston 15 August 1662.
The will of George Slee of Algarkirk was
dated 4 Nov. 1675, proved 2 May
1677 [Cons, Line.'] by his son Andrew Slee,
the exor. George Slee had issue (i) Andrew
Slee of Boston, esquire, M.D., who married
about Feb. 1658, Joan Smith, daughter of
Edward Smith of the city of Lincoln, gent.,
who died before him and was buried at
Boston 5 Nov. 1660, leaving issue by both
her husbands. On 5 May 1666 Andrew
Slee answered the Chancery bill set forward
by the guardian of Samuel Baron of Horn-
castle, son of the said Joan [Cban. pro, before
1 7 14, Collins 30]. Andrew Slee made a will
31 May 1678, which was proved 2 Aug.
1678 [Cons, Line] by Israel Jackson, John
Boult, Samuel Hutchinson and Richard
Palfreyman, gentlemen, the exors. (2) George
Slee of Boston, gentleman, born about 1633,
whose will was dated 20 Nov. 28 Car. II.,
admon. with the will being granted 13 Feb.
1676 to his brother Andrew, uncle and
guardian of Meriam and Elizabeth the chil-
dren, whose mother Frances was dead with-
out proving the will in which she had been
named as extrix. The said Frances, born
about 1646, was daughter of one Pepper of
Boston, and was married with her mother's
consent to George Slee by license from the
Bishop of Lincoln, dated 11 March i66|-.
(3) Hester Slee, named in her father's will
as wife of Mr. Thomas Stowe. (4) Mary
Slee, named in her father's will as wife of
Henry Calverley, by whom she had issue.
And (5) Elizabeth Slee (evidently a daugh-
H
I lO
THE ANCESTOR
ter by the second marriage), to whom her
father gave ' the pictures of her grandfather
Houbelon and grandmothers, with that of
her uncle Houbelon and her mother's.'
II. Mary Baron, who was christened at Boston
1 9 March 1 6of . ' Mary Baron, daughter
of Andrew Baron, gent.,' was buried at Bos-
ton 7 March 163I-. But in his will of 1653
Andrew Baron bequeathed a house to his
' daughter Mary Houbelon, if she be a
widow.' The position of this second Mary
in the pedigrees of Baron and Houblon has
not yet been ascertained.
III. Hester Baron, christened at Boston 20 March,
1 6 if. She probably died young.
(id.) Martha Baron, eldest daughter of Peter and Guille-
mette Baron. She was born at Orleans i June
1564.
(iiD.) Marie Baron, born at Sancerre 26 May [1570 i^].
(iiiD.) Elizabeth Baron, born at Cambridge 24 Aug. 1577,
and christened there the Tuesday following. She
married John Lockton of Boston, gent., by license
from the Bishop of Lincoln, dated 28 May 1600.
He was son of Philip Lockton, a son of Lockton
of Swinstead, and left issue by his wife.
(ivD.) Catharine Baron, born 24 Aug. 1577, twin with
Elizabeth. She married Peter Vandeleur or Van
der Leur of Boston, a refugee from Ghent in
Flanders, by whom she had issue. He was buried
at Boston 24 Sep. 1638.
IL Peter Baron of Boston in Lincolnshire, esquire, was
born at Orleans 15 Jan. 1567-, and coming to England with
his father was naturalized by statute of 4 Jac. L The register
of Peterhouse at Cambridge for 1585 records that he was
^ admissus coram sociis,' he signing the register with his own
hand, per me Petrum Baro Aureliensem. He was a doctor of
medicine, and under the Cecil influence was made free of
Boston 25 Oct. 1606, becoming alderman in 1609 and mayor
in 1 6 10. The author of The Way of Congregational Churches
Cleared (ed. London, 1648) thus speaks of him : —
When I was first called to Boston in Lincolnshire [161 2] so it
was that Mr. Doctor Baron, son of that Doctor Baron (the Divinity
HUGUENOT FAMILIES in
Reader at Cambridge, who in his lectures there first broached that
which was then called Lutheranism, since Arminianism). This Doctor
Baron, I say, had leavened many of the chief men of the town with
Arminianism, as being himself learned, acute, plausible in discourse,
and fit to insinuate into the hearts of his neighbours. And though
he was a physician by profession (and of good skill in that art) yet he
spent the greatest strength of his studies in clearing and promoting
the Arminian tenets.
He lived in a mansion house, formerly of the Wesdands,
which stood between the east end of Beadman's Lane and
Spain Lane in Boston, which was afterwards held by his great
nephew Andrew Slee. He died 6 Sep. 1630 and was buried
at Boston 7 Sep. 1630, the entry in the register describing
him as a justice of the peace and doctor of physic. By in-
quest post mortem taken at Boston 2 July 8 Car. L it was
returned that he died seised of lands in Conisby, Sibsey,
Skirbecke, Wyberton, Kirton, Moulton and Leake. He
made a will 31 May 1628 describing himself therein as
' Peter Baron alias Baro of Boston in the county of Lincoln
esquier and doctor of Phisick,' the only legatees being his
elder son Peter Baron, who had lately married Martha Forrest,
daughter of Myles Forrest of Peterborough, esquire, and his
younger son Samuel Baron. The testator's wife Mary was
then lately dead. The will was proved 22 Feb. 163-?- [P.C.C.
25 St, John] by Peter Baron the son and exor. Admon. d.b.n.
was granted 29 Dec. 1664 to Samuel Baron, brother of the
exor., who was then also dead. Peter Baron married Mary,
who is described in the Heralds' Visitation of Norfolk in
1664 as a daughter of De la Fontaine of Antwerp. She died
in April, 1628, and was buried at Boston 26 April 1628.
Peter Baron and Mary de la Fontaine had issue : —
i. Peter Baron of Boston, esquire, of whom hereafter.
ii. Samuel Baron of South Lynn in Norfolk, gent. As
' Samuel Baron Lincolinensem ' he was admitted to
Peterhouse in Cambridge. Like his father he was a
Doctor of Physick and settled at South Lynn in
Norfolk, where his father had owned a house. He
died 12 April 1673, and was buried 15 Ap. 1673 at
South Lynn as ' Samuel Baron esquire.' A marble
stone at the foot of the altar in All Saints' Church in
South Lynn marked his grave. He made a will 10
Aug. 1 67 1, with a codicil dated 24 Jan. 167!, which
was proved 26 May 1673 [P.C.C. 55 Pye] by Andrew
THE ANCESTOR
Baron the son and exor. He gave his lease of the
rectory of Sharnborne, co. Norfolk, to his daughter
Martha Baron, with 800/. He gave the ultimate
reversion of his house and lands in South Lynn, and
in Algarkirk, Fossdyke, Freeston and Butterwick in
Lincolnshire, with the manor of Roos Hall, to his son
Andrew Baron. He married 15 Feb. 163T, Frances
Goddard, the only daughter of Thomas Goddard of
Stanhow and Rudham in Norfolk, esquire. She died
19 June 1667, and was buried 21 June 1667, at
South Lynn, where a marble slab near that of her
husband marks her grave. Upon it are the arms of
Baron impaled with an eagle for Goddard.
Samuel Baron and Frances Goddard had issue —
1. Samuel Baron, born 10 Dec. 1633, who died
young before 1664.
2. Thomas Baron, born i Feb. 164!, who died
young before 1664.
3. Peter Baron, born i Jan. 163-^, who died young
before 1664.
4. Andrew Baron of South Lynn and Cambridge.
He was born 18 June 1645, and was re-
turned as his father's son and heir in the
Heralds' Visitation of Norfolk in 1664. He
was of Peterhouse, Cambridge, a bachelor of
arts 20 May, 16 6-^, and fellow of his college
24 May 1666, M.A. March i66|-. He died
14 Aug. 1 71 9, aged 74. His will, dated
2 Sep. 1709, was proved 6 Oct. 1719
\Arch, Norwich'] by Samuel Taylor of Lynn,
merchant, one of the exors. He was buried
1 7 Aug. 1 7 1 9, at South Lynn as ' Mr.
Andrew Baron the impropriator,' and lies in
the chancel near his father and mother under
a stone bearing the arms of Baron,
It is probable that the descendants in the
male line of Petrus Baro ended with this
Andrew Baron, his great-grandson.
5. Samuel Baron, born 16 July 1646, dead before
1664.
6. Henry Baron, born on Lammas day 1651,
dead before 1664.
HUGUENOT FAMILIES 113
ID. Mary Baron. She married at South Lynn,
29 March 1660, Sir Simon Taylor, knight,
of Lynn Regis, a rich merchant, twice mayor
of Lynn and three times sheriff, by whom
she had issue. He died in 1689, aged 56,
and was buried at St. Margaret^s in Lynn,
under a stone bearing the arms of Taylor —
ermine a chief indented charged with a closed
crown between two escallop. She is said in the
MS. account of her family to have been
born II Aug. 1632, but her tombstone near
her husband's describes her as born in 1647
and dead in 1724, aged 77. She is however
placed in the Heralds' pedigree before her
sister Frances, who was born in 1635.
2D. Frances Baron, born 15 Oct. 1635, ^^^^
24 Dec. 1666. Buried 26 Dec. 1666 at All
Saints' in South Lynn, where a stone in the
chancel with the arms of Prettyman (a lion
passant between three molets) impaling
Baron, marks her grave. She married Peter
Prettyman of South Lynn and of Bacton, co.
Suffolk, gent., who died 6 October 1705,
aged 72. Their descendants quartered the
arms of Baron with Prettyman.
3D. Hester Baron, born 26 July 1640, who died
young.
40. Elizabeth Baron, born 7 Oct. 1641, who died
young.
50. Bridget Baron, born 24 Dec. 1643, who died
young.
6d. Martha Baron, born 4 Jan. i64|-, and married
to Humphrey Graves of New Windsor, co.
Bucks, esquire, a groom of the privy cham-
ber to Charles II. Their settlement before
marriage was dated 8 April 1674, as appears
by the bill which the said Humphrey filed in
Chancery 27 March 1696, against Andrew
Baron the brother \Chan, pro. before 17 14,
Collins 602]. At the time of his marriage
Humphrey Graves was described as of Put-
ney, CO. Middlesex, gent. Martha Graves
114
THE ANCESTOR
died 28 Sep. 1679, buried at New
Windsor (M. I.). Humphrey Graves died
7 Sep. 1703, aged 71, and was buried by his
wife at New Windsor (M. I.). They had
issue (i) Baron Graves who died 15 Oct.
1683, aged 9 years, and was buried with his
parents (M. I.), and (2) Charles Graves, who
died without issue in 1696, his father being
his administrator.
III. Peter Baron of Boston, esquire, was born about
1595, being described in the allegation for his marriage license
as about 22. He married in 1617 Martha Forrest, eldest
daughter of Miles Forrest of Peterborough, co. Northants,
esquire, by Cicely his wife, sole heir of her mother Margaret
Sanderson, widow. Miles Forrest was the descendant of a
certain Miles Forrest who appears as bailiff of Peterborough
at the time of the dissolution of the monastery, and one may
at least draw attention to the persistence of the christian
name of Miles in this family and to the similar christian name
of one Forrest whose name is coupled with that of Dighton in
connection with certain services alleged to have been rendered
King Richard III. in the Bloody Tower. Miles Forrest was
buried in the cathedral of Peterborough about eight years
before the death of his relict Cicely, whose wiU dated 20 Sep.
1 63 1 was proved 29 March 1636 [P.C.C. 32 Pile] by Miles
Forrest, her son and exor. On the death of Miles Forrest
the son, who died without issue in 1636, administration d,I?.n,
was granted 30 Jan. 163^, to Newdigate Poyntz and Anne his
wife, the survivor of the two sisters of the said Miles the son.
This administration grant was afterwards revoked by sentence
and another grant was made to Mary Baron alias Whiting,
the granddaughter of the said Cicely. By the allegation for
marriage license, dated 22 August 161 7 (Lincoln), Martha
Forrest is described as of Skirbeck, and like her husband aged
about 22 years. She was therefore born about 1595. She
was buried at Boston 7 Aug. 1632. Her husband re-married
Joan Smith, daughter of Edward Smith of the city of Lincoln,
gent., who survived him and re-married in Feb. 1658, with
Andrew Slee of Boston, M.D., grandson of her first husband^s
uncle Andrew Baron of Boston. Joan Slee died in the life-
time of her second husband and was buried at Boston 5 Nov
1660.
HUGUENOT FAMILIES 115
By his wife Martha Forrest, Peter Baron had issue : —
i. Peter Baron, christened at Boston 28 Feb. 16 if. He
would seem to have died young,
ii. Peter Baron of Boston, gent., born at Boston and
christened there 7 July 1622, as 'Peter son of
Peter Baron, son and heir of Peter Baron, justice of
the peace.' In 15 Car. I. he brought a suit by his
guardian against Newdigate Poyntz his uncle, being
then the sole surviving heir of the bodies of Miles
and Cicely Forrest, his aunt Anne, wife of the said
Newdigate, being dead some two years since without
issue \_Cban, depns. before 17 14, Mitford 599]. He
died without issue in his father's lifetime, and was
buried at Boston 19 Sep. 1651.!
ID. Mary Baron, christened at Boston 9 April, 1620, co-
heir of her mother. She married (i.) . . . Whiting,
and (ii.) Bankes Anderson of Boston, co. Lincoln,
clerk, by whom she had daughters Mary, Elizabeth,
Deborah and Rebecca (all minors in 1663). On 14
May 1658, Bankes Anderson and his wife Mary
set forth a bill in Chancery against Samuel Baron (a
minor), half brother of the said Mary, and Joan his
mother. In this bill the said Mary is described as
co-heir with her sister Elizabeth, wife of George
Smith (both parties to the beforenamed bill) of
Peter Baron the younger, late of Boston, esquire,
and Martha his wife, daughter of Miles Forrest,
esquire, by Cicely his wife, daughter and heir of her
mother Margaret Sanderson, widow. Bankes Ander-
son was buried at Boston 6 Sep. 1668. He left a
will dated 30 Jan. 1663, under which his wife and
daughters were legatees. His relict and executrix
proved the will in the Bishop's Court at Lincoln
24 November, 1668.
iiD. Elizabeth Baron, christened at Boston 11 Dec. 1623,
co-heir of her mother. In 1658 she was wife of
George Smith of the Firth in Sibsey, co. Lincoln,
gent., who was buried at Boston 20 Feb. 166^,
By his wife Joan Smith Peter Baron had issue : —
ii. Philip Baron, who was buried 19 Nov. 1 651, at Boston.
iii. Samuel Baron of Horncastle, co. Lincoln, gent., after-
wards of Boston. He was a minor in 7 Nov. 1664,
ii6
THE ANCESTOR
when his bill in Chancery was set forth by Laurence
Jackson of Alford, gent., his guardian, against
Andrew Slee, M.D., his stepfather [^Chan, pro. before
1 7 14, Collins 30], who had married his mother in
Feb. 1658. Little more is known of Samuel Baron,
but he may have been the Samuel Baron who was
buried at Quarrington, co. Lincoln, 18 Dec. 17 15,
in his 75th year.
Edward Baron, born 9 Jan. 165I, and buried at Boston
4 Feb. following.
Catharine Baron, buried at Boston 12 Oct, 1657.
Pedigree from the Visitation of Norfolk in 1664
IV.
niD.
Peter Baron sive Baro=Guillemette
descended out of France | Burguin
Peter Baron of Bo8ton=Mar7, dau. of De la
com. Lincoln I Fountaine of Antwerp
Samuel Baron of Lynn Regis in= Frances, dau. of Thomas Gcddard
Norfolk, Dr. of Physick 1664 of Rudham in com. Norf.
Andrew sonne
and heire, aet. 1 8
1664
Marj ux.
Sjrm. Tajlor
Frances ux.
Petr. Prittiman
Martha
These two pedigrees following of families allied with the
Barons occur in the Heralds' Visitation of Lincoln in 1634.
LOCKTON
Philip Lockton son of=Jane dau. to
Robert Lockton
Swinsted
of
Dighton
i. John Lockton= Eliza. Barron
Thomas
Robert
of Boston, CO.
Lines.
dau. of Peter
Barron, Doc-
tor of Divini-
tie and Pro-
fessor, etc.
i. Mary wife
of John
Harrdman
n.
Jane
William Lockton of
Boston, Sonne and
heire
Arms : Silver a cheveron between three crescents azure.
HUGUENOT FAMILIES
117
VANDERLEUR
John Vandeleur of=Mar7 dau. of
Gaunt in Flanders
Lobell of Lisle
in Flanders
Peter Vandeleur= Catherine dau. of Peter Baron
of Boston, CO.
Line.
Doctor of Divinitie and Pro-
fessor of the Divinitie in
Camb.
- 3 I I I «
Peter Vanderlure John Samuell Marj Hester
Customer of Bos-
ton S634
Arms ; Gold three molets purple^ with a martlet for difference.
Arms were granted to Peter Baron of Boston by Camden,
Clarenceux, the shield being of azure with a decrescent and
increscent silver— the waning and waxing moons — in the chief
and a molet gold in the foot. The crest is a dove preying
upon a serpent. With this coat is quartered another which
may represent the French shield of the family. This second
coat — a very curious one — would appear to be gules with a
hound of silver, his head covered by a chief of gold with a
label of azure on the chief.
ii8 THE ANCESTOR
WHAT IS BELIEVED
Under this heading The Ancestor will call the attention oj press
and public to much curious lore concerning genealogy^ heraldry
and the like with which our magazines^ our reviews and news-
papers from time to time delight us. It is a sign of awakening
interest in such ^natters that the subjects with which The
Ancestor sets itself to deal are becoming less and less the sealea
garden of a few workers. But upon what strange food the
growing appetite for popular archeology must feed wih be
shown in the columns before us. Our press^ the best-informea
and the most widely sympathetic in the worlds which watches
its record of science^ art and literature with a jealous eye^ still
permits itself^ in this little corner of things^ to be victijnized by
the 7nost recklessly furnished information^ and it would seem
that no story is too wildly improbable to find the widest cur-
rency. It is no criticism for attacking s sake that we shall
offer ^ and we have but to beg the distinguished journals from
which we shall draw our texts for comment to take in good-
part what is offered in good faith and good humour,
A WEEKLY journal of Court Intelligence, which devotes
special attention to matters of genealogy and peerage,
informed its readers, in its issue of July 5, that
The Philipps family is of great antiquity in South Wales. Among its
ancestors was Sir Aaron Ap Rhys, who attended Richard I. to the Holy Land
in 1 190, when he behaved so gallantly against the Saracens that he is said
to have received from Richard the knighthood of the Sepulchre of Our
Saviour and the addition of a * crown and chain ' to his arms of a lion ram-
pant sable.
We have not been able to refer to the Gazette of the
period, and are therefore unable to say positively whether Sir
Aaron was mentioned in despatches ; nor does there seem to
be any record of the mysterious augmentation to his arms,
which reminds one of that which was bestowed upon a
Plowden for his gallantry at the siege of Acre.-^ But; the
knighthood savours of a weakness we have observed in old-
^ See Ike Ancestor , No. I, p. 234.
WHAT IS BELIEVED 119
time heralds for providing a ' Knight of the Holy Sepulchre '
as a sort of necessary ancestor that no gentlemen should be
without.
« « ^
The next paragraph is devoted to a wedding between a
daughter 'of Sir Edward Cockburn, Bart.' (a title that will
not be found in Burke) ' and Lady Cockburn of Pennoxton '
to the representative of ' the eminent and very ancient Here-
fordshire family ' of Hereford of Sutton and Mordiford, which
' claims to be derived from Roger Hereford, a famous philo-
sopher in the time of Henry II.' The elaborate account of
this family in Duncumb's County of Hereford (1882) does not
go so far as this, but mentions its ' traditional ' descent from
'Robert de Hereford, fined in a.d. 1158 for a homicide, and
excused payment of a fine for his pardon in consideration of
his hospitable proclivities — quia dedit se hospitali' ^ Lest this
statement should startle the reader, a footnote is thoughtfully
appended to explain that, according to Robertson's Charles F.,
' among people whose manners are simple, and who are seldom
visited by strangers, hospitality is a virtue of the first rank,'
etc., etc. Reference to the printed Pipe Roll of 4 Hen. 11.
(1158) reveals the fact that the money was due, not for a
homicide, but ' pro duello,' that is for a trial by battle. The
reason for Robert receiving a remission of the payment was,
of course, not his hospitable proclivities but that he had joined
the Order of the Hospital ! That a blunder so grotesque as
this can be found in a modern county history proves the
need in that department of work for such expert knowledge
as has been secured for the new Victoria County History,
* * *
A paragraph went the round of the press on June 1 8 in
which was mentioned the interesting fact that Dean Lucas,
who had just died in charge of the Roman Catholic Church
at Colchester, was ' a direct descendant of Sir Charles Lucas,'
the hero of the defence of Colchester, who was shot by the
besiegers after its surrender in 1648. Two days later Bishop
Bellord, preaching after the requiem for the dean, observed
(according to the report in the Essex County Standard) that
It was interesting to trace his character from his antecedents, as he came
from an old English stock who greatly distinguished themselves. He was a
1 Ed. W. H. Cooke, Q.C., F.S.A.
1 20
THE ANCESTOR
descendant of General Lucas who had achieved fame for his defence of Col-
chester, during the siege, and his glorious death. His ancestors had at one
time been prominent Quakers, but his father had been converted to the faith,
etc., etc.
As the paper from which we take this report grimly ob-
serves : ' It is, to say the least of it, unusual to talk of the
direct descendants of bachelors.' For, as every one knows,
Sir Charles Lucas died unmarried, and his only legitimate
brother, who (partly in consideration of Sir Charles' services)
was created Lord Lucas, left no male issue. How the ^ promi-
nent Quakers ' were connected with the famous cavalier we do
not know, nor, we suppose, does any one else. It is note-
worthy that the Tablet which was founded, we believe, by the
dean's father did not repeat the story.
« « «
Harwich, which is one of the boroughs privileged to elect
its own High Steward, has recently chosen for that office Mr.
Berners of Woolverstone Park, Suffolk. In returning thanks
for his election, according to a local paper, Mr. Berners
obser\^ed that ' according to historians, the ancient town of
Harwich was known many years before Christ, in the days of
the early Britons, and in the reign of a King called Kimber-
layne.' We are not acquainted with the latter monarch,
whose name is suggestive of a foreigner's confusion between
two of our Colonial secretaries. Lord Kimberley and Mr.
Chamberlain ; but as to the antiquity of Harwich, that
borough is not even mentioned in Domesday, being of subse-
quent growth. Towns, it would seem, like families, have
their apocryphal pedigrees ; but the good people of Harwich f
can hardly have heard of its antiquity till their new High
Steward revealed it to their delighted ears.
« « «
' The Royal Champion ' was the subject of a special article
in ' the oldest evening paper ' on June 24. For the popular
mind the king's champion has always possessed a singular
fascination ; and the legends which surround his history pos-
sess undying vitalit}\ We read for instance in this article
that —
The ceremony of the appearance of a champion dates back in this country
to the time of William the Conqueror, at whose Coronation Robert de [sic]
Marmion, Lord of Fontenay, in Normandy, filled the honourable post of
Royal Champion, as his ancestors had formerly done for the Dukes of Nor-
WHAT IS BELIEVED
121
mandy, and for which service he was granted the manor of Scrivelsby, together
with that of Tamworth.
One could hardly conceive anything wilder than this. There
is no record of the appearance of a champion at the king's
Coronation earlier than 1399, when Richard 11. was crowned ;
the name of Marmion is not territorial, and therefore had not
' de ' ; and it is not even to be found in Domesday, where
Tamworth and Scrivelsby are duly entered as held by Robert
le Despenser {pispensator)^ brother of Urse d'Abetot. We
need not consequently waste time over the performances of
the Marmion ' ancestors * in Normandy before the Conquest.
* * *
The same article proceeds to explain that —
At the Coronation of Richard II. Baldwin de Freville, a descendant of
Philip de [sic] Marmion's daughter, Margery, claimed the office of Royal
Champion by his tenure of the castle of Tamworth, and on the day of the
ceremony he rode, completely armed upon a barbed horse, into Westminster
Hall, there to challenge the combat against any who should gainsay the King's
title. But his right was disputed by Sir John Dymoke, Lord of the Manor
of Scrivelsby, who was finally adjudged to be the rightful Champion, etc., etc.
The writer appears to believe that the two knights actually
rode into Westminster Hall, in opposition to each other, at
imminent risk of the Marshal arresting them and of losing
their right hands for brawling in the royal presence. Need
we observe that the dispute was settled, as it would be at the
present day, before the ' court of claims,' the records of which,
for that coronation, are preserved and are peculiarly familiar }
* * *
The proud and unique distinction enjoyed by the Dymoke
family for more than five centuries makes it needless to claim
for them, as in the above article, a ' descent from an ancient
Welsh chieftain, who fifty years before the Norman Conquest
had married the daughter of the Prince of North Wales.' It
is precisely by such absurdities as these that ancient and re-
markable pedigrees are exposed to obvious ridicule.
* * *
A case in point is afforded by the same evening paper in
two paragraphs on the Howards and their earldom of Arundel.
The house of Howard, which by birth and hereditary office
takes a place so near the throne, has come of late years to
stand in the estimation of the public for the symbol or ancient
122
THE ANCESTOR
nobility in England. It is perhaps in the nature of things
that the journalist should direct public attention less to the
illustrious story of the Howards, of their adventurous rise and
of the woes of their high estate, than to one or other of the
score of legends concerning their origin. Of that origin but
one word need be said. Sir William Howard, a chief justice
of the common pleas, who flourished at the end of the thir-
teenth century, still mocks the labour of genealogists and
keeps unchallenged the top perch of the Howard pedigree.
Of the ancestors whom industrious fancy, untrammeled by
fact, has found for Sir William, a mysterious ' Auber, Earl of
Passy,' was long the ruling favourite. But Dethick's influence
has given way to that of Kingsley. A great novel threw
popularity into another scale, and in our time the favourite
Howard forefather, whether for peerage-makers or journalists,
is that strange shadow out of the Lincolnshire bogs, the
mythical Hereward the Wake. Month by month this hardy
legend takes the air in print ; the spoiled favourite of editors,
no journal grudges it space. Here then we cull it, in its full
flower, from an evening paper of 9 July 1902.
The family of Howard is unquestionably the most illustrious and probably
the oldest in England. The Duke of Norfolk's coat of arms when fully set
out with all its quarterings is one of the most remarkable pieces of heraldry in
existence. To a competent herald it is almost a complete history of England.
The Howards are believed, on fairly good evidence, to go back to the Howard
or Hereward, who lived in the reign of King Edgar (960—75), and whose
grandson was that Hereward the Wake, who was the last man in England to
surrender to the Conqueror. It was, we believe, of his father Leofric that it
was said that * his counsel was as the oracles of God.'
The title of Earl of Arundel is peculiar in that it was never created and
depends upon no patent. It arose somewhere about 1 1 5 5 entirely out of the
possession of Arundel Castle, and it would be a curious puzzle for the lawyers
whether, supposing such an impossible event as the sale of Arundel by the
Duke of Norfolk, the purchaser would become Earl of Arundel. The better
opinion is, we believe, that he would not, but that the ancient title would
become extinct.
The first sentence needs little gloss from us. We have
already spoken of the origin of the Howards, and can but
add that few as are the families which can in 1902 dispute
precedence with a Howard of Norfolk on the score of long
descent, yet such families still remain, and amongst them
some which reckoned themselves of old nobility when Sir
William, the first of the Howards, was administering the king's
WHAT IS BELIEVED 123
justice. The Howard-Hereward legend bases itself in the
main upon the fact that Howard and Hereward both begin
with an H — a reasoning which needs other support, for the
surname of the house of Norfolk need not go so far afield for
its origin. The story of the Wake has already been dealt
with in l!he Ancestor, Let us add at least that Hereward was
not the son of Leofric, nor is any such person on record ag
* Howard or Hereward/ the newly discovered parent of the
oracular counsellor. To the antiquary as to the Conqueror
the Wake is a doughty champion. The last Englishman to
surrender to the Normans, his legend holds Fleet Street to-
day against every assault of the new criticism.
For a paragraph to follow the Hereward legend the lino-
type may be trusted to print us the story of the Earldom of
Arundel ; and although it is now familiar to the newspaper
reader as the story of Hereward himself, we may say that we
have seldom met with a clearer setting forth of a well-kenned
history. Long may the Howards flourish Earls of Arundel ;
but yet we would that the experiment hinted at by the
journalist might be essayed. Imagine the ' impossible event *
achieved, and our millionaire purchaser happed up solemnly
in the great bed of the tapestried state bedroom of Arundel,
with what excitement we should await his rising to learn
whether the mysterious influences of the castle had wrought
their work, and whether he would come down to breakfast as
Earl of Arundel.
* * *
In the first issue of T^he Ancestor (p. 235) we spoke of* the
curious belief that this or that oak is " mentioned in Domes-
day Book," ' and explained that it had no foundation. Since
then this odd delusion has made its appearance anew. An
interesting illustrated article on * Lord Salisbury at Home * in
^he Graphic of July 1 9 mentioned that in Hatfield Park ' the
massive Lion Oak, which still shoots forth its green leaves,
will be found mentioned in Domesday Book, if any one cares
to look for it.* Now that the contents of Domesday have
been made accessible by the Victoria County History^ one need
only turn to vol. i. of the history of Hertfordshire to learn
that in this case also the oak will be sought for in vain.
124
THE ANCESTOR
The same article contained a description and a small illus-
tration of ' a chart, twelve to fifteen yards long, which traces
Queen Elizabeth's ancestry back to Adam and Eve,' and ' is
kept in an elaborately carved oak case and is beautifully em-
blazoned in colours.' The illustration enables one to recognize
a typical Elizabethan pedigree covered with coats of arms. The
production is one eminently suggestive of what was believed
before the ' higher criticism ' had turned its attention to the
performances of Elizabethan heralds.-^
* * *
A weekly illustrated paper, writing of the engagement of
Mr. Dudley Carleton, Baroness Dorchester's son, observes
that * the Carletons were seated at Carleton near Penrith, at
the Conquest, and at the visitation of Cumberland in 1665
Sir William Carleton of Carleton Hall certified his descent,
eighteen generations in all, from Baldwin de Carleton.' Mr.
Bird has observed that in Burke s Peerage y ' Sir Bernard Burke's
Reminiscences ' are cited for the facts of the dispute between
Scrope and Grosvenor five centuries before^ ; but those of
Sir William Carleton were even more remarkable, enabling
him, as they did, to certify that Sir Baldwin was seated at
Carleton, when the Conqueror came, six hundred years before.
Mr. Dudley Carleton, we may add, is paternally a Pigott.
* * *
Under the heading of ^ What is Believed ' we cannot spare
the critic who rejoiced us with a column in which a not over
skilful pen had striven to express a somewhat illnatured dissent
from The Ancestor^ its aims, its articles and its writers. Much
criticism of ^he Ancestor has appeared in the press. The kind-
liness of that criticism is gratefully acknowledged by the con-
ductors of a review which may be said to invite batde by its
attitude, an attitude which, as we are willing to acknowledge, a
herald might be justified in describing in his beloved jargon as
rampant combattant,
* * *
But some protest is surely called for when one who criticizes
an archaeological review harangues Mr. Horace Round on the
carelessness which allows him to describe a certain William as
'a canon of Holy Trinity, London.' The objection to this
1 Compare pp. 14, 34 above.
2 The Ancestor, No. i, p. 167.
WHAT IS BELIEVED 125
description is hard to discover. There was a church of Holy-
Trinity in London, and canons had their stalls in that church.
It is hardly possible that we have here a critic who would allow
canons to cathedral churches only, but other explanation is
hard to find.
* * *
In heraldry our critic is no less dogmatic. Richard of
Cornwall, he tells us, * bore no eagles ' but ' a lion crowned
within a bordure bezantee,' and our contributor who had
spoken of Richard's eagles comes under the lash therefor.
But Macaulay's idlest schoolboy will tell our critic that Richard
of Cornwall was also the Richard, King of the Romans, and in
this second capacity left his Roman eagles in tiles and glass
and stone and brass over so wide a field in England and
Europe that those eagles have become tolerably familiar to the
antiquary.
* * *
Genealogy found our critic at his most severe. We
quoted the old rime of Crocker, Cruwys and Coplestone, who,
when the Conqueror came, were all snugly at home. Into
that home our critic bursts and lugs out Cruwys. The critic
had already hulled us twice with heavy sarcasm over one
printer's error in the 'The Ancestor s two hundred and odd
pages, and here, he guessed, was another such. ' Cruwys,' he
asks, ' who may Cruwys be ? ' and suggests a misprinted
' Carew.' Yet out of the mouths of the mere sucklings of
genealogical lore he might have learned that Carew claimed
neither in book nor ballad any pre-Conquest descent in
Devonshire, whilst Cruwys did, and Cruwys' claim is sung in
the rime. And Cruwys, although only represented nowadays
through the female line, may well resent the question ' who
may Cruwys be ? ' as an improper one concerning one of the
oldest west-country houses.
* * •*
The memoirs of Sir Edward Blount, K.C.B., which have
lately appeared, are rich in examples of ' what is believed.'
They open with a magnificent flourish of the family trumpet.
The Blounts trace their origin to the Le Blounds, Counts of Guisnes in
Picardy. Count Raoul de Guisne {sic), who was head of the family when
William of Normandy invaded England, had three sons, and all of them
accompanied the Conqueror. One returned to France ; but the other two,
Sir Robert and Sir William le Blound, settled in England, and from them the
I
1 26
THE ANCESTOR
Blounts in this kingdom are descended. Sir Robert le Blound was com-
mander of the ships of war, and he was one of the Conqueror's Council. His
brother, Sir William, was General of the Foot. Sir Robert le Blound . . . was
styled, from his principal possessions, Baron of Ickworth and Lord of Orford.
He married the youngest daughter of Henry, Earl Ferrers. ... Sir William le
Blound, on the other hand, had an ample inheritance in Lincolnshire bestowed
upon him by the Conqueror.
The Blounts of Soddington in Worcestershire, and of Mawley near Cleo-
bury in Shropshire, are descended from William, the second son of Sir Robert
le Blound.
On the Conqueror's expedition it would seem that few staff
appointments were vacant after the great Blount interest at the
Norman War Office had done its work. But the Blounts, as
Sir Edward is ready to admit, are not the only old family to
be found in Shropshire.
The long association of my family with Shropshire came out rather oddly
in a discussion between some farmers at an audit dinner at Mawley Hall a few
years ago. Several tenants were contesting the point as to which of their
families could boast of having rented land for the longest period on the estate,
when the woodman, named Allen, proved from documents to the satisfaction
of all present that his ancestors had either been in the employment of, or had
held the position of tenant farmers under, the Blount family for a period of
nearly 800 years. His ancestors came over from Normandy with the family
at the time of the Conquest, and from father to son, right up to the present
time, they had been retained on the estate (p, 8).
An audit dinner at Mawley Hall must be a banquet of
which the antiquary might crave the broken meats. An audit
dinner, mark you, at which even the family woodman,
apparently by custom rather than by accident, sits at board
with eight hundred years of his family evidences in his
breeches pocket. An audit dinner at which the farmers sitting
round the marvellous woodman are each and all skilled in
palaeography and the necessary Old French and contracted
Latin to a degree which enables them to glance through the
woodman's evidence on the spot and to pronounce them
satisfactory. Sir Edward's account of the audit dinner ends
with the story of Allen the woodman, but he wrongs us by
his reticence. With gleeful respect we should listen for the
outspoken opinion of these hearty Shropshire farmers, warmed
with their audit ale, on such vexed questions as that of the
Red Book of the Exchequer,
THE GENTILITY OF WILLIAM EXELBY
IN a former issue of The Ancestor we told the story of
Richard Barker and his gentility, and how a Norfolk jury
made sport with that gentility when it was produced in court
for their handling. In the first year of King James I. gentility
comes again into court — this time into the court of the King*s
Chancery — and alas for that subtle quality concerning whose
value and import long-winded learning was spreading itself
over much fine paper, it again makes matter of mirth.
Our documents are two in number.^ The first is the Bill
of Complaint of William Exelby ' of Southmyms in the countie
of Middlesex gent,' dated 28 May 1603. His plea need not
keep us long. The parchment is torn and faded, but the
import is straightforward enough. One William Lee of the
Inner Temple in London, esquire, was seised of an estate of
inheritance in a farm called Durismes or Durhams in the
parishes of Southmyms and Ridge, and being so seised, made
a lease of the premises to one Kinge, which lease the com-
plainant, who was buying an estate in that neighbourhood,
bought of the lessee. It was afterwards agreed that the com-
plainant should surrender his interest in this lease and take a
new lease from William Lee, who thereupon, with Elizabeth
his wife, by indenture of lease dated 8 June 40 Eliza. [1598]
demised to the complainant the capital mansion house with
the barns belonging, and certain parcels of land, for a term of
21 years.
Soon after this transaction the said William Lee desires to
convey away his whole inheritance in the premises, and comes
to terms with the complainant for the yielding up of the lease
for a certain consideration. But William Lee's ways are not
those of one with whom business affairs pass easily and
pleasantly, and the Bill of Complaint follows naturally enough.
The complainant describes him as ^ driven to some necessities,'
no exaggerated phrase when we understand that the esquire
was ' then lying and being as theretofore and sythence for the
^ Chan. pro. before 1714, *Mitford,' v. 82.
127
128
THE ANCESTOR
space of many years in prison in the Counter in Woodstreet
London for debt/ But the stone walls and iron bars of the
Counter in Woodstreet made something more than a hermi-
tage for William Lee, esquire. His innocent and quiet mind
took them for a place of security from which he might answer
William Exelby at his ease.
His answer is at great length. Doubtless the preparation
of it, a labour of love with one who was of the honourable
society of the Middle Temple, filled many agreeable days of
the leisured life encouraged by such retreats as the Counter in
Woodstreet. One may believe that it was heard with great
approval by the contemplative inhabitants of the Counter as
William Lee, esquire, with all an author's pride, read it aloud
for a literary accompaniment to the evening's ale. Even so a
certain Memorial was to be read aloud to his fellow collegians
in the King's Bench prison by a second esquire, Wilkins
Micawber by name, another neat hand at a phrase.
This answer is dated i6 June 1603, and we have soon put
behind us the commonplaces of the dispute about the lease.
By this time, no doubt, his business affairs have ceased to vex
William Lee. In his character of member of the Middle
Temple, he hazards the opinion that the action should have
been brought at the common law, and with that he wipes his
hands of leases, conveyances and agreements. But there is
another matter in which he is more curious, and concerning
which he addresses himself to the Lord Chancellor of England
as to a fellow member of a learned profession. Exelby's bill
may be a common law trumpery, it matters little one way or
the other, but is it indeed possible that William Exelby has
described himself at the head of it as a ' gent ' ? This defend-
ant doth think it strange if the complainant be the same
William Exelby which he doth pretend by his said bill to be.
The William Exelby with whom William Lee, esquire, had to
do, surely dare not usurp the title or name of a gendeman ?
For what was the father, the ' reputed father ' of the said
William Exelby ? William Lee will tell my Lord Chancellor.
That father was ' one Myles commonly soe called a cuttinge
tayler dwellynge somtymes in Fletestreate London whoe by
his large bills and small measures ' — in William Lee now ot
the Counter, esquire, we have doubtless a ex-customer of
Myles — 'grewe into wealth, and being puffed uppe w^^ the
same termed himself then as yt was commonly reported ' —
GENTILITY OF WILLIAM EXELBY 129
oh, shame to Fletestreate — ' Myles the Body Maker/ a name,
as William Lee*s decent piety is quick to point out to my
Lord Chancellor, which is only proper unto God. Yet such
was the pride of this Myles ' that he dyd arrogate this name
for his boulstering and bumbastynge out of mens garmentes,
whereby he made them rather like monsters then modest men
suche as they ought to be, whose proude example the com-
playnant dothe seeke to followe that the olde proverbe may be
still verefied suche a father suche a sonne.' Applause we
must supply here, and clattering of mug bottoms upon the ale
bench in the Counter, as William Lee takes breath and looks
modestly up to the companions of his captivity. ^ For as
the father was of suche mechanicall occupation as is aforesaide
so dyd not this defendant ever heare or knowe that the
complaynant was ever made a gentleman.' With the memory
of Richard Barker before us we pause in surprise. How shall
this son of an impious and mechanical bumbaster be made
gentle ? But in this first year of King James I., Abana and
Pharpar are flowing, the sources of gentility are in no dispute.
William Lee, esquire, pauses triumphantly for an answer
when he demands to know whether ' the Complaynant was
ever made a gentleman either by armes gyven him by the
Kinges or Queenes of this realme ' — that is to say, by the
accredited channels of the fountain of honour — ' or ever was
by any of them called unto the office or place of a gentle-
man ? ' And finally, as one lawyer to another, William Lee
begs my Lord Chancellor's advice on the point whether he
should ever answer the complainant by the name or addition
of gentleman in any one of his Majesty's courts of record.
Such an outburst of abuse against a tradesman for his
quality of tradesman is rare in 1603. The date seems amaz-
ing, and it needs all William Lee's Jacobean phrases to per-
suade us that we are not dealing with an affair of the Great
Snob Period, which for the historian begins with King George
the Third, and flowers and fruits with the novels of Theodore
Hook, Thackeray's Mr. Wagg. For Mr. Wagg it was dis-
gusting that a man should deal in leather, that he should
make clothes was a humorous baseness, to be a grocer was
despicably funny. But in the reign of Elizabeth, Myles
Exelby, at whom this out-at-elbows esquire rails so violently,
was of a class held in high honour, and one above all which
was the stay and delight of her Majesty's heralds and kings
130
THE ANCESTOR
of arms, who would have been in poor case without the citi-
zen's grant of arms, his lying in state, his scutcheoned funeral.
Myles Exelby the father was of the parish of St. Dunstan-in-
the-West, a citizen and merchant taylor, and therefore a mem-
ber of one of the chiefest and most powerful city gilds. He
died in 1579, and an inquest taken after his death describes
his two Fleet Street houses as held in chief of the Crown.
His family married with gentry, and his sons William and
Myles are described as gentlemen in many documents.
Myles the younger settled at Stoke Nayland in Suffolk,
where he died in 161 6, leaving a will wherein he is de-
scribed as ' gentleman.' The elder brother, William Exelby ot
South Mims, was a citizen and merchant taylor like his father.
He was born in 1563 and died in 161 8. In his will he is
described as of North Mims, co. Herts, gentleman, and more
solid evidence of his position is given in the inquest taken
after his death in 161 8, wherein both he and his son and
heir are described by the Escheator of the Crown as gentle-
men.
Myles Exelby the father was the son of one of the
Exelbys of Norton-in-the-Clay, a hamlet in Cundall parish of
Yorkshire.-^ It is curious to observe that had William Exelby
for his rejoinder to William Lee gone pedigree making
amongst his Yorkshire kinsfolk, it is highly probable that he
could have produced a line of ancestors of an ancient landed
house against which the esquire of the Counter, or any other
Lee in England, would have been hard pressed to match
pedigrees. For the Exelbys of Norton were cadets of an
house in an adjoining parish, whose family stock of Exelby ot
Exelby had its origin in an early Norman house, the Folifates,
to whom Eskelby or Exelby had come by an heiress many
centuries before William Lee's bill.
Whereby a moral hangs. Gentility is no longer to be
measured by the yardwands of William Lee and Theodore
Hook ; let us be in no haste to set up the standard of the
Armorial Gent. If arms make the gent, William Exelby
might have 'enterprised that style and addition ' by right ot
an older blazon and a finer one than any which he could have
acquired by purchase from Garter. Whether W^illiam Lee's
1 For Information concerning the early Exelbys I am indebted to excellent
genealogical work of a descendant of the house, Mr. H. D. Eshelby, F.S.A.
GENTILITY OF WILLIAM EXELBY 131
rebuke brought the erring Exelby to the blush we know not,
but if so, it was ' the gentle Norman bluid ' that reddened his
cheek. Wherefore let us be in love and charity with our
neighbour, and in no haste to write him down ignobilis. After
all, the Basques claim that all true Basques are born noble :
in decency we can make no less a claim for all Englishmen of
the blood.
OSWALD BARRON.
\
THE ANCESTOR
THE HOUSEHOLD BOOKS OF SIR MILES
STAPLETON, BART., 1656-1705
{Continued^
VI
LORD MACAULAY'S description of the country squire
of these times as an ignorant^ determined stay-at-home,
and a detester of London and Londoners, intensified in the
case of a Papist, who is described as ' vegetating as quietly as
the elms of the avenue which led to his ancestral grange,' is
quite contradicted by the constant movements of Sir Miles
Stapleton. Considering the numerous gaps in these house-
holds books, it would appear as if Sir Miles visited town
nearly every year. The very first of this series of books
vields a full account of his journey to the metropolis and his
sojourn there, chiefly on this occasion for legal purposes.
A dispute having arisen as to certain landed property and
manorial rights at Bedale during the minority of Mr. Miles
Stapleton, the young squire took proceedings for the recovery
of his rights soon after his accession to his estates. On
April 19, 1656, he set out for London in order to be present
at ' the tryall for Beedall in Easter tearm.' He rode to town
accompanied by his manservant, and, judging from subse-
quent journeys, spent four days on the road. The charges
for himself and man and their horses in going to town amounted
to £1 js, 6d., and on the return to 95. 6d, They tarried
in London a little over three weeks, paying for ' dyett and
other expenses ' £^ 75. 6^., as well as £2 35. 6d. for ^ grasse
hay and corne for our horses.'
The legal expenses of this suit are entered with much
detail, some of the items being sufficiently curious : —
j£ J. d.
It. given to Mr. Litster for a reteyning fee oo lo oo
It. given to Mr. Goodrick for a reteyning fee against the trj'all oo lo oo
It. paid for certificates out the registers at Beedall and Hornby oo oo lo
It. paid for a search in the rolls about Sheptons deed . . . oo o i oo
It. paid for a search in the rolls for a fine oo 02 04
It. paid for examining Sir Rich. Sheptons will 00 02 00
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 133
It. paid for making two affidavits in the upper bench court £ s. d.
where the tryall should have been 00 03 00
It. paid for writeing briefes for the counsell . . . . . . 00 08 06
It. given to Sergt. Tweesden for his fee for the tryall . . . 04. 00 00
It. given to Mr. Goodricke for his fee for the tryall . . . . 02 00 00
It. given to Mr. Nilde for a fee to move for coste when they
gave us notice that they would not trye it 02 00 00
It. given to Mr. Litster to move for coste above but it could not
be obteyned 01 00 00
It. paid by consent to the jury being but ten in number or
else wee had got a nonsuit, so yt I was forced to give
them 40 shillings a man, that the other side might give
them as much, or else they had got nothing . . . . 20 00 00
It. paid to Mr. George Dineley for comeing out of Oxfordshire
to Lond. to bear witness for us at the tryall for his
chardges and paines in all . . 02 00 00
It. my mans chardges goeing into Oxfordshire to fetch Mr.
Dineley 00 03 04.
It. paid to George Binley for goeing upp to London from
Beedall to bee a witness for us at the tryall 04 00 00
It. spent with thejuryers when I paid them my 20/i. . . . 00 05 04
It. given to Mr. Nilds man when I fetched away my briefe . 00 01 00
It. paid to Mr. Kitchell our Attourney in this business about
the tryall for Beedall upon his bill 01 07 04
It. paid to Mr. Langley for all paines in helping to solliscitt
about the tryall in Easter teame 1656 02 00 00
It. paid to Mr. Danbye for his paines in helping to solliscitt
about the tryall in Easter teame 1656 08 00 00
Disbursed in chardges . . . . 48 16 02
Chardges goeing to London and coming downe 10 08 00
Chardges in all comes to . . . 59 04 02
Mr. Stapleton found time, during this his first visit to
town, to spend some money on his own personal require-
ments and adornment. Some of the items, such as ' fancyes
of taffety ribbin ' for his suit, tend to disprove the popular
fallacy as to the universal gloom and plainness of male attire
during the Commonwealth.
It. paid for ribbin for shoestringe for myselfe 00 o i 00
It. paid for a paire of bearers for my toppe , . . . . . 000104
It. paid for a box and a powder brush 00 00 07
It. paid for a paire of shoues for myselfe 00 04 00
It. paid for 3 paire of gloves for myselfe . . . . . . . 00 04 06
It. paid for dressing my ould hatt 00 01 00
It. paid for a new hatt for myselfe 01 06 00
It. paid for 1 1 yards camole de holland for a suit and doake
for myselfe at 6d. a yard 04 02 06
134 THE ANCESTOR
It. paid for two peeces of tafFaty ribbin for fancyes for my suit . o i 1 5 oo
It. paid to Mr. Baker the Taylor for making upp my suit and
cloake with lininges and all other things 02 13 00
It. paid for a paire of new silke tops sutable to my fancyes . . 00 07 06
It. paid for a paire of thred bottoms for my topps . . . . 00 01 00
It. paid for a paire of new Spanish leather shoes and gallotives
for myselfe 00 07 00
It. paid for a new holland band and cuffs and stockings, and a
garnish of handcherchiffe buttons 001000
It, paid for six ells of holland for two shirts for my selfe . . 01 1 1 06
It. paid to John Baker for altering my black suit 00 03 06
It. for too garnish more of handcherchiffe buttons for myselfe . 00 03 04
The purchases for his wife and for the Lady Sophia show
that this Yorkshire country gentleman was a man of good
taste, whilst the purchase of the luxury of tobacco for his
lunatic brother points to a good heart.
It. for a peece of plate with a cover and a silver spoon for my- £^ s. d,
selfe and my wife 05 00 00
It. paid the herrald painter for my coat of armes 00 02 00
It. paid for setting my wifes armes and mine upon the silver
cup and cover 00 01 06
It. paid for two paire of orrange floore gloves for my wife . . 00 09 00
It. paid for an ibbony blacke box lined with Spanish perfumed
leather and for two paire of orrange floore gloves I pre-
sented my Lady Sophia 01 07 00
It. paid for siena, manna, and ruberb for my wife . . . . 00 1 7 00
It. paid tobacco for my brother 00 04 00
It. paid for handchercher buttons for my wife 00 03 00
In Easter terme 1657 the Bedale case again came on, and
Miles Stapleton was again in London. Friday, May i, was
the day appointed, but ^ our adversaries would not try it
when it came to be called.* The total legal expenses of that
year amounted to ;^6i 14J. 02d, Among the items are: —
It. paid for the Act of sale of delinquents lands wherein Sir s, d.
Will. Theaxton our adversary was named 00 01 00
It. paid to halfe of the jury being but 8 in number and I con-
sented to give them 4/i. los. a man, when Mr. Tas-
borough and I referred our business to my Lord Marq. of
Dortchester and Mr. Hen. Howard my moitye whereof
was 1 8 which Mr. Tasb : is to pay mee againe if the busi-
nes be not agreed 180000
It. paid my halfe of the chardges spent with the jury when
they were agreed with and paid 01 02 04
It. paid for goeing by water and spent with one of the jury . 00 o i 00
It. given to Mr. Feliskirke for goeing about to examine some
Acts of Parliament concerning delinquents 00 o 5 00
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 135
On this occasion the visit was prolonged from the end of
April to the end of August ; he was accompanied by his wife
* to lye inn of her child there/ His sister Anne went up
with them in their coach, as well as * Mrs. Dorothy/ Two
of his serving men rode by the side of the coach. They
were six days on their journey, and their expenses on the road
amounted tO;^6 loj. iid. Nan, his wife's maid, came up with
the carrier, her journey costing 235. The carting of their
heavy luggage to Doncaster cost 3^., and the carrier's charges
for conveying the same to London amounted to 12s. ^d,
at 2d, the pound.
On arriving in London the first disbursements were half-
crown ^ to musicke for welcoming us to towne,' twopence to a
link boy, and another half-crown to the poor people who
gathered round the doors of their lodgings.
The details as to the birth and death of his child are worth
giving in extenso,
Chardges extraordinary at my wifes lyin inn of her childe july
the 9th 1657 it was then borne being Thursday morninge.
It. given to Doctor Hinton the man midwife for comeing when £ s. d,
she had been long in labor 05 oo oo
It. paid to Doctor Hintons Appothecary his bill for things for
my wife and the childe 01 07 00
It. given to Doctor Prigeon for comeing to my wife . . . . 02 00 00
It. paid a coatch for Doctor Prigeon 00 01 06
It. paid to Mr. Skelton the Appothicary for things for my wife
and childe 00 14 00
It. paid for goeing by water severall for the midwife Mrs.
Linsee 00 05 05
It. given myselfe to Mrs. Linsee the midwife for her paines
about my wife 02 00 00
It. given to Nan for bringing me news of my wife being de-
livered 00 02 00
It. given to Mr. Oglethorpe for Christening the child . . . 00 10 00
It. given to Mr. Elmer and Mr. Hawood to pray for it . . 00 10 00
It. given to Mr. Chambers to pray for my wife 00 02 00
It. paid for a coffin for the child w*^^ dyed at 8 days end . . 00 06 00
It. paid the church dutyes for burying the child at St. Gregoryes
under Poules 02 07 02
It. paid for church dutyes at comon garden (Covent Garden)
church 00 14 06
It. paid for the Nurse keeper for keeping my wife her month . 03 02 06
It. paid to Mrs. Dorothy for provisions of all sorts into the
house during my wifes month 1 2 00 00
31 02 01
136
THE ANCESTOR
On his wife's recovery, Sir Miles presented her with ' two
fine lardge new fashioned hoUand aprons,' which cost 38J. and
'a litle silver spoone for a fareing.'
In 1658 Sir Miles and his lady again visited London, and
once more 2s, 6d, was given ^ to the musicke y' wellcomed my
wife and mee to towne/ Twopence was paid ' for new Milke
under the cowe,' and ' fouerpence ' for peaches for his wife.
' The lame men in comon garden ' obtained 6d. and a blacka-
moor at the 'Beehive' i2d.
On September 29 Sir Miles paid 355. for 'a place in the
hackny coatch for myselfe from London to Ferrybridge.' The
coach was four days on the road. When he reached Ferry-
bridge, he paid 3J. for the hire of a horse on which he rode
home.
When Sir Miles was in town in 1659 he spent the large
sum of;£io 45. on a suit and cloak of satin, which was trimmed
with thirty-six yards of silver ribbon. Scouring his pearl
coloured silk stockings cost u., and a pot of jessamy butter
for his hair is, 6d, At the same time he bought for his own
use ' a paire of scarlett coloured worsted stirrup stockinges '
for 55. and a ' sky coloured tabby waistcoat ' for 2j.
On June 9, 1662, Sir Miles journeyed to London about
his ' Beedall business ' when he ' agreed with Theakeston.' His
own fare by hackney coach from Doncaster was £2 55., and he
also paid to the coachman loj. 6^. for carrying his 'cloak-bag.'
He took up to town with him his man Thomas Stevenson,
who rode by the side of the coach. The charges that were
incurred, being ' four dayes on the road,' for board and lodging
were £1 8j., inclusive of the expenses of his man's horse.
Sir Miles alighted at the ' Black Swan ' in Tower Street,
the tavern where the Earl of Rochester took lodgings under
an assumed name when banished from the Court. To the
porter who carried his cloak-bag to his lodgings a payment
was made of 4^/. He tarried in London during this visit for
ten weeks and some odd days, lodging at Mrs. Atkenes, and
paying for his own diet at the rate of 12s. a week. He paid
meanwhile js. 6d, per week as board wages to his manservant.
The coach hire, whilst in town, ' on many several times and
occasions,' amounted to los. 6d. In addition to this there
is a separate entry of los. for coach hire, being half the charge
of a coach and four to Hampton Court on August 2, when he
went with his brother Gregory to kiss the queen's hand. His
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 137
cousin, Thomas Gascoigne, and Mr. Percy went with them and
paid the other moiety, but do not seem to have kissed hands.
Dinner for the four and other casual expenses at Hampton
amounted to i6j., of which Sir Miles paid half.
Notwithstanding the claims of business. Sir Miles managed
to blend a good deal of amusement with this visit to London.
The large sum of £2 os. 6d.^ which was the total cost of ^ goeing
severall times to see plays,' must have represented frequent
visits to ' the King's play house and S" Will. Davenant's play
house.' Unfortunately the names of the plays that he saw
are on this occasion omitted. On one occasion he gave his
man Tom a sixpence to enable him to see a play. He acknow-
ledges to an expenditure of ^^i 12s. 6d, in fruit, wine and ale
with several friends on different occasions. One day he dined
with his brother Gregory at a cost for both of 3J. 6d.^ and on
another occasion with his cousin Gascoigne at a cost of 2s. 6d.
One of the first visits that he paid was to his sister-in-law,
Lady Sophia, at Richmond, the charges of the waterman there
and back being 6s, On leaving he gave 2s, 6d, to Mrs. Wise-
man, ' my Lady Sophia's woman.' He also went by water, at
a charge of u., to visit 'my Lord of Lindsey ' at Campden
House, Kensington. The Earl of Lindsey held the hereditary
office of Lord High Chamberlain, and exercised his duties at
the coronation of Charles II. On April i, 1661, he was elected
a knight of the Order of the Garter.
His Yorkshire neighbour. Sir John Saville, took him in
his coach to Highgate to dine with ' my Lord Marquesse ot
Dorchester.' The marquis' porter received a shilling, whilst
Sir John Saville's coachman and footman received respectively
2s. 6d. and is, 6d, He also visited Portingall House and Fox
Hall, though he does not mention their owners or inmates.
His gifts to his brother-in-law's footboy denote several visits
to him, and the same applies to Sir Thomas Gascoigne.
He paid to Mr. Wright for ' makeinge a coppye of the
Intail ' 55., and other small charges that are entered seem to
be legal expenses. He spent %d, on 'paper to write letters
with,' whilst his charges on post letters during the ten or eleven
weeks amounted to 185. lod. He paid 6d, for a copy of the
' Act about chimley money.' This refers to the first English
tax in respect of houses, which was charged at 2s, for every
fire hearth and stove. It was granted by Parliament in 1662,
just before Sir Miles reached town, 'to support the King's
THE ANCESTOR
crown and dignity.' It was usually termed the chimney or
chimley tax. It fell somewhat heavily upon Sir Miles, as
his enlarged house at Carlton had no less than twenty-three
chimneys or hearths, whilst the dower house of Quousque had
eleven.
The only book that Sir Miles Stapleton seems to have pur-
chased on this visit was a volume called Fiat Lux^ price yj., of
which he made a present to Lady Tempest, the daughter of his
cousin, Sir Thomas Gascoigne. This lady was afterwards in-
volved in the Yorkshire branch of the odious Titus Gates plot.
The appearance of certain lame soldiers in the Strand
caused the unlooseing of the pursestrings to the extent of
6^., and various other poor folk profited by Sir Miles'
sojourn in town.
One entry in his account book names his visits to the
barber. It runs as follows : 'Paid to the barbers for trim-
ming mee whilest I stayed in Lond. being sometimes once a
week and sometimes twise 1 55. 6d' ' Mr. Delaroach the
frenshman ' received 55. ' for drawinge out a stump of a
tooth and for dressing my teeth.' Mr. Broads treet also
received 55. ' for doing something to my throat when it was
very sore and my uvelay downe.' He also paid to ' Mr. Peirs
the Appothicary his bill for things for mee when I was not
well and my uvelay downe ' and to Mr. Peirs' man for
administering a glister, 2s. At the same time he remembered
to discharge a bill of 1 55. due to ' Mr. Shelton the Appothi-
cary for things my wife had from him when she was with childe
of Bryan.'
His affection for his wife is shown in not only bringing
her presents, but in despatching them home. Thus he paid
95. for ' some drinking glasses ' which were sent on to his
v/ife. He also saw to the packing up of a gown for Lady
Stapleton, paying is. 2d. for the box, and 4^. 'to a porter for
taking it to the Doncaster carryer.'
His brother Gregory left him for Flanders just at the
beginning of August, being presented by Miles with ioj.,
whilst John, his brother Gregory's man, received 55.
At the end of his sojourn he purchased two boxes {is. Sd.)
to contain the clothes he had bought and ' the writeings ' or
evidences of his Bedale property. A porter received 6d. for
taking these two boxes to the Doncaster carrier at ' the bell
savage.' The ' Belle Savage ' on Ludgate Hill was a well-
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS
known London tavern, and a starting point for sundry
coaches and stage waggons. The carrier's charge for the
two was 1 2 J.
Much of his visit was occupied in legal business with
regard to the completing of i,ooo years' lease of the Beedale
property with lOO marks annuity and enrolling it in Chancery.
He also ' paid in fees in the Exchequer about getting my
quietus est out of the pipe office for my Barronets Pattent/
£^ 1 6s. od.y together with 1 2s, ^ given then to Mr. Thomas
Lee of the Temple July the 8th for his paines for getinge me
the Quietus est.'
The grant of the dignity of a baronet had been made to
' Miles Stapleton of Carleton, co. York/ on February 25,
1662.1
The following are the particulars entered in his household
books for the ' purchase ' of this dignity, apart from the fees
the new baronet paid when in town : —
£ s. d.
It. Paid to George Abbott for Collonell Gillby Aprill 1662,
upon our agreement for my Pattent for being made an
English Barronett three hundred and fortye pounds . 340 00 00
It. Paid then to Mr. James Wright by agreement for being
instrumental! in the busines 05 00 00
It. Given then to Mr. George Abbott, for his paines about
the busines, when I received my pattent from him under
the great seale of England 02 07 00
It. Given or paid to Mr. Thomas Lee of the Temple my
sollicitor for his paines July the 15th 1662 about my
busines virith Mr. Will Goode who takes the accompts of
Lunaticks Guardians and sent downe severall letters to me
about it a Mrs. Lee got it put of 02 07 00
The following are the items of expenditure on clothes
incurred in London in 1662 by this example of Macaulay's
' coarse uneducated country gentlemen ' : —
It. Paid to Mrs. Cheatam at the signe of the frying pan in
middle row for a new periwigg for my selfe . . . . 03 00 00
It. Paid to Mr. Rider for a paire of new pearle coloured silke
stockings for my selfe . . . 01 02 00
It. Paid for a paire of Spanish leather shoues with gallotios for
my selfe 00 08 02
It. Paid to Mr. Maltby for a demicaster hatt for my selfe . . 01 00 08
It. Paid to Swayby for a paire of white hides leather gloves for
my selfe 00 01 08
Dom. State Papers, Chas. II. li. 1 2, 49.
140
THE ANCESTOR
It. Paid for a paire of new fashioned rideing panteloons and £ s. d.
stockings for my selfe 00 08 06
It. Paid to my bro. Ed. Bartye for a paire of canvis rideing
stockings for my selfe 00 02 06
It. Paid more to my bro. Edward Bartye for a paire of lardg
strong rideing boots for my selfe 01 00 00
It. Paid for a paire of spurr leathers 00 00 06
It. Paid to Mr. Wiseman partner w4th Mr. Halfehead, at the
signe of the naked boy in Paternoster row for 1 1 yards
of stufFe at 3/. 6d. a yard for making a suit and coat for
my selfe 01 18 06
It, Paid to Mr. Pegg the Taylor his bill for triming and making
up my StufFe suit and coat in all 08 i 3 00
It. Paid to Mr. Pegs man for bringing home my clothes when
they were made 00 ci 06
It. Paid more to Mr. Pegg his bill for altering my black cloth
bretches and seting new blacke ribbin on them . . . 01 02 06
When he left his London lodgings on August 25, he gave
Mr. Atken's maid 55. He rode back on a ' sorrild horse '
that he had bought from his brother Gregory for 1 5J.5 in-
clusive of saddle and bridle, whilst his man was mounted on the
galloway he had brought with him from Yorkshire. They
started with their horses from the King's Head, a well known
tavern at the corner of Chancery Lane which afterwards be-
came notorious as the place of the incubation of the disre-
putable Titus Oates plot.
On his way north Sir Miles stopped four nights at
Wolverton with Lady Longueville, whose daughter he married
for his second wife more than twenty years later.
In 1663 Sir Miles v/as again in London. On this occasion
he rode with a servant in attendance. Both the horses were
sold on their reaching town. After a sojourn of three weeks
he returned, buying good horses for the journey north. The
astute Yorkshireman reckoned that he had cleared 5J. by
this transaction, in addition to saving the keep of two horses
for the three weeks.
In 1669 Sir Miles Stapleton spent seven weeks in London.
On this occasion he proceeded to London by the hackney
coach from Doncaster, securing a place on May 26 for {ji.
His French valet Pullaine rode on horseback by the coach.
They were four days out on the road, during which time he
spent on himself and his man another {ji. Pullaine's horse
for that period cost 135. During this sojourn in town
he v/as diligent in seeking out amusement. He paid 'for
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 141
seeing the danceing of the ropes in Lincolns in feild/ 4^. ;
for seeing ' a puppyt-play at Chareing Crosse called Punshio-
nella/ is. ; for seeing a play at the King's Play House called
The Genera/, and for another play there called Royall Martir.
He also lost los, 'at an adventure at the Cavalier's lottery at
Charing Crosse.'
As a dutiful husband he kept up a regular correspondence
with his wife in Yorkshire during his absence, the carriage of
the letters costing him loj. 3^. The first week of his stay in
town he boarded with one Mrs. Ascough, paying her for diet
for himself and man i^s. He made a note that he paid for
' ordinaryes abroad severall dayes ' 95., 'and the rest of the time
I eat with my brother Robert Bartye and Lady Sophia.' His
man PuUaine's diet and expenses at London those days when
he was not with him amounted to 155. lod.
Robert Bertie, who succeeded as Earl Lindsey in 1666,
married for his first wife Mary, second daughter and co-heir
to John Massingberd of the city of London, a merchant of the
East India Company. Through his wife Earl Lindsey had a
town house in Queen Street, and it was there that Sir Miles
lodged with his nephew during this visit to town. During
his sojourn he thrice paid visits to his sister-in-law Lady
Sophia Shipman at Richmond, his charges by water there and
back amounting to i^s. Another short journey that he took,
involving absence for a night, was to Guildford and back in
order to conclude his business with Mr. Theakeston about his
Bedale property. He paid for two places in the ' Gilford
coatch ' to and from London for himself and his lawyer Mr.
Townsend
In the autumn of the same year Lady Stapleton travelled
to London in the family coach, and was absent about a month.
This absence and its total cost is thus summarized by Sir
Miles in his carefully kept household ledger for 1669 : —
It. Paid in chardges for my wife's goeing to Lond. with my £ s. d.
bro. Rich. Sept. 4th 1669, and they had the coatch and
four horses, and Mrs. Barber with my wife and bro. in
the coatch, and Mich, the coatchman, and John PuUaine,
and Thos. Stephenson on horseback, soe as they had six
horses in all and were almost a month out in all, being
back a day or two before Mich, day, their chardges in all
came to 40 00 00
The expenditure on later visits to town are for the most
part summarized after a like fashion.
K
142
THE ANCESTOR
Sir Miles rode to town for a brief visit in 1682. One
result was the following expenditure on clothes : —
It. Paid to Arrundell Bradshaw of the exchainge in the Strand /. d.
for a new morning gowne and capp for my selfe . . . 03 16 00
It. Paid to Mr. Legate June the 3rd 1682 for a new cloth
suite which he got made for me at London by Mr. Peter
Tay a taylor, for cloth, lineing, triming and makeing in
all according to the particular of the bills he sent me in all 06 02 03
It. Paid more then for a paire of silke stockings 00 10 00
It. Paid more then for a sword knott 00 04 04
It. Paid more then for a box to bring them downe in and for
the carriage of them by the hackney coatch 00 06 03
It. Paid more Mr. Legate's chardges about buyinge my clothes
and given the Taylors man &c 00 04 02
It. Paid to the hackney coatch man for bringinge my clothes
from London to Yorke June 19th 1682 00 04 06
It would seem that Sir Miles' last visit to town was in
1704. He was then an old man. There were no further
purchases of gay or fashionable clothing. The only special
expenditure entered in the household books is 3^. 6^. *for
hippocondraicke powder bought at London.'
VII
Certain parts of the western block of present house at
Carlton date back to the rebuilding planned by Sir Miles
Stapleton's grandfather, which was ended in 16 14. In a deed
of 1 63 1, making some provision for his children, Sir Miles'
father describes it as a domus mansionalis or manioralis. Extensive
alterations and additions by Mr. Pugin, which were finished
in 1875, included the erection of two lofty towers ; hence its
present name of Carlton Towers.-^
Sir Miles when entering Carlton Hall had not much occa-
sion to interfere with or amend the house so recently built,
save an expenditure of on flooring and fire-places ; but
there are occasional later entries relative to it, of which the
more important are transcribed. Reference has already been
made to the new chapel and adjoining chamber and closets
constructed in the gallery in 1668.
The first entry, in 1661, is one of the many tokens of
his special affection for his first wife.
^ A drawing is given of Carlton Hall before Pugin's restoration, in Mr.
Chetwynd-Stapyl tone's family history, p. 164.
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 143
Inp. Paid to Mr. Kettlewell at the glasse shop at York for 16 ^ s.
marble stones for the stone-head-chamber chimley where
my wife is to lye in childe bed, being nine inches square
and halfe of them white and the other halfe blacke . , 01 05 00
It. Paid to Bartle Rimere for pollishing the said sixteen marble
stones 00 12 00
It. Paid for a baskett to put them in and for carrying them to
the boat 00 01 00
It. Paid for bringing them and some other little things by
water from York to Newland when I fetched them . , 00 03 00
Early in 1663, the new baronet caused his crest to be raised
on the turret of his mansion.
It. Paid to Nestor of Selbye the white smith for makeing new £^ s. d.
faine being cutt with a Talbott for the high top territt . 00 16 00
It. Paid to Joseph Robinson for guilding the faine with leafe
gold and helpeing to set it upp 00 14 00
In the same year care was taken to secure the glazing of
the higher parts of the house.
It. Paid more to Nestor for two new great Iron casements for s. d,
the litle roome within the great middle territ . . . . 00 10 00
It. Paid more to him for 24 litle Iron barrs to hold on the
glasse in high topp territt and for 500 stubs to naile on
the glasse in the lower great middle territt or Lantherne. 00 04 03
The entry of 1676 relative to the re-leading of the roofs
is an example of the close attention he paid to pecuniary
matters, which is the special characteristic of these household
books.
Imp. paid for a fother of lead wch Mr. John Wood of York £ s. d,
bought there for me in September for mending the leads
of Carleton house at eleven pounds, and 20 hundred
weight to the fother and every hundred weight is six
score and three pounds which is much better than the
Marchants weight which is but 19 hundred and halfe
pounds to the hundred soe as this wee have now is called
traine weight for which I have paid eleven pounds and is
cheaper then Marchants weight at ten pounds . . . . 1 1 00 00
Immediately to the south of Carlton Hall were the wide
waters of the river Aire, a tributary near to its mouth of the
Ouse. Over the Aire it was incumbent on the lord of Carlton
to maintain a ferry. The ferry-house often called for Sir
Miles' attention. It was rebuilt in 1 662 at a cost of is. ^d.
The following are some of the items: —
THE ANCESTOR
It. Anthony Wilson the carpenter for puUinge downe the ould £^ s. d.
ferry house and makeing a new roofe and rearing it in all 02 08 02
It. Paid more to Anthony Wilson for makeing the in walls and
pertitions in the house with doores &c 00 16 02
It. Paid to two thatchers of Kensall for each seven dayes thatch-
ing the house at each \s. zd. a day 00 16 04.
The ferry house was damaged in the winter of 168 1-2 by
part of the river bank giving way.
It. Paid more to Rich. Boyars and John Browne for filling up £^ s. d.
the hole in the ferry house kitching w^^ was worne when
the end of the house was driven away with a gail there the
1 6th day of January 1681 and mended in 1682 . . . X)0 12 00
In 1 668, a house on the estate termed 'Petronells ould
house ' was entirely rebuilt at a total cost of £6() 35. 9^. It
was a timber framed house, and the carpenter was paid £12 is, 2d,
^ for frameing and building the new house of timber and seting
it upp and laying three chamber fioores, making staires parti-
tions and doores and all other wood worke.' Nails, laths,
plaster, thatch, glass, etc., brought the expenditure up to
;£43 8j. 9^. The bricks for the chimneys were made on the
estate, and the timber was felled in Sir Miles' woods ; the
estimate of the value of these materials, together with the
draughts for leading them is entered at ;^25 155.
In 1702 the roofs of Baxter Hall, on Sir Miles' property
at Drax, were renewed being much decayed ; the walls were
lowered and the garret windows in the roof taken away. The
cost of these repairs was £12 55.
The entries with regard to a pump for Carlton Hall, in
1664, are sufficiently curious to warrant their insertion in
extenso,
Inp. Paid to Mr. Fishwicke Mr. Walmsley Stuard for a great £ s. d,
cake tree out of Thorpe Parke contayinge 27 foot of
timber, for making the pump in the yard, where the trow
well was 01 6 00
It. Paid to Nicholas Loftus the pump maker for boarding the
pump tree being 8 yards long at \s. a yard o I 1 2 00
It. Paid more to him for Iron work 00 01 00
It. Paid more to him for boareing the bottom of the well to get
a better springe 00 02 00
It. Paid more to him for another box to keepe in readiness
when the other failes 00 01 06
It. Paid to Sam Ainley the joyner for one days work plaineing
the head of the pumpe 00 10 00
It. Paid for 15 stone of chalke to put in the bottom of the
well when the pump was put in to make the water better 00 02 06
144
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS
145
It. Paid to Robt. Hood the smith for Iron work about the £ s. d.
pump and for a hooke to draw up the sucking with . . 00 1 3 00
It. Given to Nicholas Loftus the pumpe maker to drink . . 00 01 00
It. Paid to a painter for colouring the pump and layinge it in
oyle w'^^ we did these several times 00 04 00
It. Paid Mounsier and Stephen chardges to Selbye to fetch the
long womble for boareing the bottom of the well . . . 00 00 08
It. Given to Captaine Pockleys man to drinke y* helpt my men
when they went with my draught to fetch the pumpe tree
from Thorpe Parke 00 01 00
It. My owne men and draught fetching the pumpe butt from
Thorpe Parke to Carleton house 00 03 00
It. Paid to John Pearse for one day and a halfe helping the
pumpe maker to set the pumpe 00 01 06
The pumpe cost in all 04 10 02
VIII
The occasional items of furnishing and upholstering for
Carlton Hall, together with the supply of household utensils
mentioned in these books, are of some interest as denoting
the price and kind of articles then deemed suitable for a
country gentleman's house. When Sir Miles entered into
possession of Carlton House, in 1659, the largest item of his
expenditure was ^^^47 for tapestry, which is described as 'a
suit of hangings of seven pieces, in cumpas 30 yardes and a
halfe, and in depth 12 foot/ A dozen 'high chair frames
backes and seates stuffed and covered with canvis for the
dineing parlour,' cost ;£3, whilst the coloured baize for cover-
ing them cost {ji. Six low chairs, two French chairs, and a
long seat for the drawing-room, covered with green baize,
together with ^ window curtain and a carpet, cost los, 2'^-
There was a considerable outlay in chamber furniture in
1663 • —
It. Paid then to Mr. Padgett of York the mercer for foure £ j. d,
and fortye yards of french green broad paddua searge at
3 J. 6d. 2l yard for covering the bed stead and chairs in
the staire head chamber'^ 07 14 00
It. Paid then more to Mr. Padgett for foure yards of grasse
green buckram for binding the bed ballance . . . . 00 05 04
It. Paid then more to Mr. Padgett for an ounce and a halfe of
silke to make the bed with 00 02 06
It. Paid then for brasse nailes to make the chairs with . . . 00 03 00
It. Paid then for three courting rods for the bed 00 03 00
It. Paid then to Robert Wright of York the silk weaver for
eleven ounces and a halfe of green silk fringe for making up
the bed and chairs in staire head chamber, at zs, an ounce. 01 03 00
146
THE ANCESTOR
It. Paid for bringing the bedstead and chaires by water from £ s. d.
York to Carleton ferrye 00 02 00
It. Paid more for brasse nailes for the chaires 00 02 00
It. Paid more to Robt. Wright the silk weaver for twelve
ounces and three quarters of green silk fringe for making
up the bed, and chairs, at 2 shillings an ounce. . . . 01 05 06
Inp. Paid to Francis Rhodes of Yorke the upholdster for one
new bedstead for the staire head chamber, June the 15 th,
1663 01 06 00
It. Paid then more to Francis Rhodes for foure low chairs
stuffed and covered with canvass 01 00 00
It. Paid then more to Francis Rhodes for 24 yards of course
mattin for staire head chamber and clossett at \d. a
yard 00 08 00
The following expenditure was incurred in 1688 : —
It. Paid its Robert Rhodes of York the upholster for seaven s. d.
peeces of tapestry hanging for my wifes chamber . . . 24 00 00
It. Paid to him for packing up the hangings and bringing
them from Yorke to Selbye by water . 00 05 00
It. Paid then more to him for two pieces of narrow dyaper for
napkins each peece containing 1 3 yards for a dozen of
napkins, at u. a yard, which comes to a peece soe as
two peeces for two dozen of napkins cost 01 08 00
It. Paid to Tho. Wherry the stock-man for 26 yards of
huggabagg for makeing two dozen of table napkins at
IS. ^d, a yard abaiting 8 pence 01 14 00
In the winter of lyoo-i, there was considerable expendi-
ture for the kitchen, etc. : —
Inp. Paid to young Richard Scholey, the blacke smith the £ s. d.
1 2th day of December 1700 for altering and making
new the great Iron Rainge in Kitchen chimley. . . . 04 00 00
It. Paid for a peece of staynd Indian callicoe for a carpet for
my closet table 00 03 06
It. Paid for nine yards of fine Indian staynd callicoe at 2S. ^d.
a yard 01 04 09
It. Paid for nine yards and three quarters of cotton for smooth-
ing cloth at IS. 2d, a yard 00 1 1 07
It. Paid for 20 yards of linen cloth at Snaith for sheets at
IS. ^d. a yard 01 05 00
It. Paid to John Taylor for one large brass pott to boyle meat in o i i o 00
It. Paid for two hand brass candlesticks for Ann Barber . . 00 02 04
It. Paid for two pairs of lardge brass candlesticks . . . . 00 1 1 06
It. Paid for mending an oulde brass candlestick at Yorke . . 00 01 06
It. Paid for 200 small brass nailes for mending stooles and
chaires 00 01 00
It. Paid for two brass candlesticks 00 04 00
It. Paid for six new lowe brass candlesticks for the Aulter . . 00 09 00
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 147
It. Paid to Edward Seller of Yorke the brazier for one lardge £ s.
upper boiler for seting in the kitching in a furnase to
boyle meat in, January the 1 8 th 1700 04 13 00
A good stock of pewter was laid in in 1664 ; but by the
close of the century it required replenishing : —
It. Paid for two dozen of puter plates and one plate w*^'* John £ s. d.
and Nan Barber bought at York December the 14th
1664 at \s. 6d. a pound and they weighed 37 pound. . 02 15 06
It. Paid then for six lardge puter platters or dishes at is. jd. a
pound and they weighed 57 pound and a halfw^*^ comes to 04 01 05
It. Paid then more for one gallon puter can and six porringers 00 19 06
It. Paid then more for two puter stands for the table . . . 00 08 00
It. Paid then more for two puter candlestickes ... . . . 00 05 00
It. Paid then more for two lease puter candlestickes . . . . 00 03 06
It. Paid then more for one puter chamber pott 00 03 06
It. Paid then more for one puter salt for the pantrye . . . 00 01 00
It. Paid then more for six puter spoons for the pantrye . . 00 00 09
It. Paid then for a paire of snuffers for the parlour . . . . 00 o I 00
It. Paid for cording for the puter and carrying it to the water-
side 00 00 06
It. Paid to a boat man of Thorne for bringing the puter from
York by water to Donmouth new hall fleet when we
fetched it * 00 01 00
It. Paid to William Hutchinson of Yorke the puterer the 15th
of August 1 70 1 , for 17 new puter dishes for the table
weighing 74 pounds at 12 pence a pound 03 14 09
It. Paid then more for two dozen of new puter plates . . . 01 1 2 00
It. Paid then more to him for 5 new chamber potts . . . . 00 1 5 00
It. Paid then more to him for 3 new puter basins . . . . 00 05 00
It. Paid then more to him for a new close stoole pan 5^. ^d.
and 9<^. for mend a dish 00 06 01
Inp. Paid to Hutchinson of York the puterer Aug. the 1 1 th
1702, for two dozen of new puter plates for the table . 01 10 00
It. Paid then more to him for one dozen of puter spoons for
the pantrye of hard mettle GO 03 00
It. Paid to Ruben Coolson, August the 12th 1704 for two
dozen of puter plates for the table at 1 5 shillings a dozen 01 I o 00
In 1682 Sir Miles had his portrait, and that of his lady,
painted and framed, on what appears to be exceedingly mode-
rate terms : —
Inp. Paid to Mr. Timothy Stephenson for drawing my wife's £ s. d,
picture, Jan. 5th 1682 04 00 00
It. Paid then more to Mr. Tim. Stephenson for drawing my
own picture 03 00 00
It, Paid then more to Mr. Tim. Stephenson for the two frames
of my wifes picture and mine for each five and twenty
shillings soe as both cost 02 I o 00
THE ANCESTOR
It. Paid for a fir box for bringing the two pictures in from £ s. d.
York to Carleton oo 04 oo
It. Paid more to Mr. Timothy Stephenson for drawing my
picture w^^ I gave and presented to Mrs. Fairefax, w'^
with the frame in all cost 04 05 00
IX
Sir Miles was ever ready to encourage local or itinerant
players and musicians to entertain the household at Carlton,
as well as when he was away from home. In July, 1661,
when tarrying with his brother Errington in the north, he
contributed 3J. to the 'musicke/ In the following year he
had occasion to stay for the night at an inn at Durham, when
he gave is. 'to the Landlord's daughter playing on the
virginalls.' In Easter week of the same year he gave to
Joseph Robinson and the Selby players loj. 'for playing the
play called Musidorus/ Mucedorus and Amadine was a comedy
frequently acted at the Globe and at Whitehall ;i-it was first
published in 1598, and had passed through eleven editions by
1668.
The gaieties of Christmas-tide 1 662, were duly observed by
the newly-made baronet at Carlton. The following entries
in his accounts show that he did his best to make it a bright
season for his neighbours : —
It. Given to two fidlers of Selbye that was here one day in ^ s. d.
Christmas when I had invited some neighbours to
diner 00 02 00
It. Given to Bartle Fular and his boy who was here fidling two
days in Christmas when I invited some neighbours and
tenants to diner 00 03 00
It. Given to Will. Peares and the rest of our neighbours of
Carleton when they played their play in the house on
Tuesday, December the 30th, 1662, the play is called
the gentle craft 00 10 oo
It. Given to some mumers y came in Christmas . . . . cx) 00 06
It. Given to Nicholas Daniell and the rest of the players y
came from about Beedall when they played their two
playes here on Friday night, January the 23rd, 1662
(3) one of the playes was the tragadye of Baitman and
the other was called the courageous generall. . . 01 00 00
The Gentle Craft or the Shoemaker s Holiday was a play
by Thomas Deaker, first printed in 1638. ^he Tragedy of
Bateman was probably another name for The Fair Maid of
Bristol^ by John Day, first played before the king and given at
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 149
1
Hampton in 1605. The Courageous General was probably
ne General^ a tragi-comedy by James Shirley ; Pepys saw it
acted in 1669 and was pleased with it.
The accounts for 1664 contain various entries relative to
entertainments. The following are all of this year : —
It. Given then to Marmaduke Grainge and his son and £^ s. d.
daughter Pearson and their boy for playing on the
musicke that time when wee were all merry together
at Will Lodge 00 07 00
It. Given to a trumpeter y came and sounded his trumpett . 00 o i 00
It. Given to a poore fidler y came in Christmas and was here
two or three dayes &c 000206
It. Given to PoUington players y played the shepherdes play . 00 05 00
It. Given to Rickall players y played the play here called
wilye beguilee in Christmas 00 i o 00
It. Given to Nickolas Daniell and the players that came from
about Beedall January the 19th, 1664 (5) for playing
two playes here, the one called the two constant lovers,
and the other called a maidens head well lost . . . o i o i 00
It. Given to Selbye musicke y came beging March the 1 1 th . 0000 06
The cultivation of the dramatic art at this period in the
small towns and large villages of Yorkshire is not a little remark-
able. The actors were no mere country mummers, for the
plays chosen were all ones of some repute. T^he Shepherd' s
Holiday was a pastoral tragi-comedy which had been presented
before their Majesties at Whitehall by the queen's servants in
1635 ; the author was Joseph Rutter, a dependent of the
family of Lord Dorset, and a playwright of some experience.
Wily Beguiled was ^ a pleasant comedy,' of which there are
four editions extant between 1606 and 1638. 'The Two
Constant Lovers was probably another name for The Constant
Maid, by James Shirley, first published in 1 640. A Maiden-
head Well Lost was a comedy by that well-known early
dramatist Thomas Heywood ; it was first acted at the Cock-
pit, Drury Lane, in 1633.
The following are some of the later entries of expendi-
ture in the like direction : —
1668
It. Given to Beedale players when they acted here January 1 1 th ^ s. d.
Sir John Dauncy and his company and Sir Tho.
Yarbrough and his being here y night and the play is
called a girl worth gold 00 1 5 00
It. Given to John Gilliver and three more fidlers for being
here three nights when Sir John Dawncy and my Ladye
and Sir Tho. and the rest were here . . . . . 00 1 2 00
THE ANCESTOR
1673 , £ d.
It. Given to John Miller sister for playing on the virginalls . 00 02 00
It. Given to Selbye fidlers at Christmas 1702 00 10 00
It. Given then more to PoUington fidlers 00 02 06
Sir Miles was not superior to attractions of a less refined
character than music and the drama. When in London in
1657 he paid a shilling 'for seeing the foure children at a
birth/ and fifteen pence 'for seing showes in Bartlemeu faire.'
At a later visit (1670) the special attractions of this celebrated
Smithfield carnival which drew two shillings from the baronet's
pockets were a puppet play, a ' spotted woman/ and ' three
hairey Indians one being in chaines.* On another occasion
when passing through Doncaster a penny was paid to see a
pig with two heads !
X
The entries for provisions and stores in these household
accounts are far fewer than might at first be expected. But it
must be recollected that all such things as meat and poultry,
bread, dairy and garden produce would be provided by the
estate, and would naturally not find a place in these books,
as they did not involve any ready money payment.
Five guineas were paid for extras preparatory to the
Christmas feasting of 1664.
Paid to John Hornbyee wife March the 3rd 1664 her bill £, d
for sugar, rasins, currans, prunes, and nutmegs, ginger,
mace, cloves, cinamon and pepper which my wife bought
of her against Christmas 1664 for using in the house
&c 550
In 1668 ' 7 leamons and an orrange* cost \s, id.
There are entries in 1697 telling of the price of soap,
which varied from 4J. 4^. to \s, 6d. a stone. In 1700 a
Cheshire cheese weighing 151b. was bought for 4J. 6d,
Two hundred chestnuts were bought at York the same year
for lod. In 1701 twenty-two stone of salt were purchased at
15, 4.d. a stone, and 71b. of starch at 2^- ^ lb. Oranges were
a good deal lower, two dozen being bought at York for 2s, ;
but soap had risen to ^s, 2d, a lb. Six lemons were purchased
in 1 702 for 3i. In the same year a quarter of veal 3 6d,
Presents in kind were not infrequent, the bearers, as is
now the case, invariably obtaining an acknowledgment. Thus
in 1676, 6d, was given to Lady Dawnay's page ^for
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 151
bringing my wife some strawberries.' Two years later, Lady
Winge of NostalFs keeper received 75. 6^. for bringing half a
buck ; Sir John Dawnay's gardener is.y for bringing Lady
Stapleton two melons from his lady ; and ' Cosen Perepont's ser-
vant that brought us a hansh of venson from Pomfrett from his
maister/ 2s, 6d, In 1682 Sir Thomas Yarbrough's man had is.
' when his maister sent me a side of salmon ' ; and ' Mrs.
Watkinson's maid is, that brought oysters from her mistress
to my wife.* Sir Thomas Yarbrough's gardener had is, in
1688 for bringing cherries ; and Lord Donne's man 2s. for
bringing half a buck on August 2, 1 704.
The purchase of fish, particularly for use in Lent, was fre-
quent. The following are the more interesting of these
entries : —
i66i
It. Paid more to John Hornbye for sixteen couples of linge for £ s. d.
using in the house in lent 02 lo oo
It. Paid more to John Hornbye for one hundred of herrings
for lent also 00 04 00
It. Paid more to John Horn bye for one single linge . . . . 00 01 04
In 1668 'seventeen couple of codd fish for using in Lent'
were purchased at is, ^d, a lb., together with 400 white her-
rings for 1 3 J. 4^., and 300 red herrings for 95. Twenty years
later 9 stone of ling were purchased at 2 35., for a like purpose,
as well as 450 herrings at i8j. The Lent purchases of 1696
were i61b. of dried ling at 3^. a lb., 100 red herrings at
y, ^d, ; and 6 couple of cod fish at los, lod.
The fish for Lent in 1700 were purchased at Bedale.
It. Paid to Robert Berry of Beedall for 60 lardge dryed linge £ s. d,
and cod fish 04 19 00
It. Paid more to him for 60 dryed whiteings 00 05 00
It. Paid for the carriage of the salt fish from Beedall to Yorke 00 03 08
In 1704 the fish for Lent, consisting of dried cod, ling
and herrings, were bought at York, and cost i6j.
Two salmon were bought in 1698 for 7^. 6^., and one in
1 704 for 3 J. A turbot purchased at Snaith in 1 702 cost 2^.
The capture of sturgeon in the Aire and Ouse are well
worthy of being chronicled. The first of these records
occurs in 1676, when lOJ. was —
given amongst the fishermen and others at Selbye that got a great sturgeon
there which Mr. Walmley gave betwixt my wife and Mrs. Pockley who gave
them Twenty shillings amongst them whereof my moitye.
THE ANCESTOR
In 1696 a small sturgeon was caught in the Aire, for
which Sir Miles gave 14J. In the same year 'a bigger
sturgeon' was caught by Leafer of Barmby in the Ouse, on
June 2I5 for which 20J. was paid ; and a third ^very small
sturgeon' was also bought for 9J. 6d. On June 10, 1698,
1 3 J. was paid to ^ Leafer of Barmby for one sturgeon taken
over against the laine house sands nere Drax.' Two more
sturgeon were caught in the Aire in 1704, for which Sir Miles
paid 27J. It was the custom to pickle these great fish ; on
one occasion Sir Miles paid the large sum of 22s. 2d. ' to the
cooke at Yorke for dressing the sturgeon and sousing it.'
It is not to be expected that details with regard to the
gardens would find their way into these household books of
account ; but at all events the gardens of the squire of Carlton
produced far more than the * cabbages and gooseberries ' of
Macaulay fame. Incidentally, in connection with expenses in
purchasing, pruning, or gathering, mention is made of apples,
pears, plums, cherries, strawberries, and even nectarines and
apricots. In 1702 there was sufficient refinement for
/i i8j. \d. to be spent in the construction of a melon and
cucumber frame : —
1702
Xnp. Paid to Richard Mawhood for 4 deales for makeing a frame
for the garden, to be glassed for preserving IVIellons and
cew-cumbers
It. Paid to Richard Birth for glass for this fram for Mellons .
It. Paid more for deales for another frame for Mellons .
It. Paid more to Richard Birth for glass for this frame for
Mellons
XI
The entries relative to wine are varied, and show that Sir
Miles kept a generous table. In 1661 he paid lu. for a
' runlit of clarett wine.'
Two entries for the year 1673 may be cited in full : —
It. Paid to S Stephen Thompson of York the 28th of No- £^ s. d.
vember for six gallons of white wine, and five gallons and
a halfe of clarret wine for bottling and using in the house
at three shillings a gallon CII416
It. Paid then more to S'" Stephen Thompson for one gallon,
three quarts and a pinte of canary sack at eight shillings a
gallon 00 1 5 CO
CO 05 04
CO 1 2 CO
CO c6 c6
00 14 c6
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 153
In 1678 * sherry e sacke' was purchased at York, and
small quantities of claret and white wine of Samuel Halliday
of Turnbridge at u. a quart. ' Canary sack ' was purchased
the same year at York at 3J. a gallon, and two quarts and a
gill of ' Reynish wine * at 3^. ^d.
Sir John Dawnay and Sir Thomas Yarburgh played for
three nights at Carlton in 1668, when two gallons of white
wine at is. a gallon, and 21s, worth of canary sack at is. 6d, a
quart were consumed.
In 1669 Sir Miles purchased canary sack at 55. a gallon,
and Rhenish wine at the same price, and white wine at 2J. a
gallon. In 1676 he bought of Sir Stephen Thompson of
York 14 gallons and 3 quarts of white wine and claret at 35.
a gallon ' for using in the house * ; as well as small quantities
of canary sack at 2s, a gallon, and Rhenish wine at 35., which
was apparently consumed at York. In the same year Palson
of York supplied him with 14 gallons of white wine at 35. the
gallon. In 1688 he bought of Christopher Leggard of York
half a hogshead of white wine for i oj., and half a hogshead
of claret at the same price ; paying also los. for the two casks.
At the end of that year the same order was repeated, together
with some canary sack, ^ old Rehenish,* and ' young hock,*
apparently to supply the place of the liquor drunk by the
Protestant mob.
1700
Its. Paid to Mr. John Cooke as followeth, £ s. d.
It. Paid to Mr. John Cooke of Selbye for eight gallons of
Canary sacke at six shillings a gallon bought at London . 02 08 oo
It. Paid for a small caske to put the sacke in 00 02 00
It. Paid for bringing the sacke by sea from London to Selbye . 00 02 00
It. Paid to Mr. Cooke for two gallons of Canary sacke at Selbye
July 6th 1700 01 00 00
It. Paid more then to Mr. Cooke for two gallons of sherry
sacke at Selbye . . . 00 16 00
1 70 1
Inp. Paid to John Cooke of Selbye for one gallon and a halfe
of white wine at 5/. %d. a gallon 00 08 06
It. Paid more to John Cooke for two gallons of white and one
gallon of clarett and a pinte more 00 1 8 06
It. Paid to Mrs. Stephenson for one quart of Mallegoe sacke . 00 o i 04
It. Paid to Mr. Stone of Yorke for two quarts of Canary sacke 00 04 00
It. Paid Mrs. Cooke of Selbye, Sep. i6th 1701, for two gal-
lons and a halfe of white wine at 6j. a gallon . . . . 00 1 5 00
It. Paid more to her for one gallon and 3 pints of clarret wine
at 6/. a gallon 00 08 03
154
THE ANCESTOR
It. Paid more then to her for 3 quarts of canarye sacke at £ s. d.
2s. 6d. a quart 00 07 06
It. Paid for 5 gallons of Canary sacke bought of Mr. Stone of
York Nov. 29th 1701, at 8 shillings a gallon . . . . 02 00 00
It. Paid then for a runlit to bring it in
It. Paid to the boat woman of Selbye for bringing it thither . 00 00 04.
It. Paid to Mr. Hardwicke of Rawcklife the 22nd of Jan.
1702, for foure gallons and two quarts of Brandye 2/. 6d.
a qt 02 05 00
It. Paid to Mr. Hudson for one pinte of brandye . . . . 00 02 00
It. Paid to Mr. Hardwicke of RawcklifF, January the 8th 1704,
for halfe an Anker of brandy w*^^ ought to be 5 gallons, but
fell short soe as there was little more than 17 quarts in it 02 07 06
1705
It. Paid more for two bottles of Mountaine white wine at
Yorke 00 04 00
It. Paid for a bottle of Mountaine wine from York . . . . 00 02 00
There must have been continuous brewing at Carlton
house, but the only references we have noted in the house-
hold books are the following ones for 1662 and 1703 : —
Inp. Paid to Rich. Laycock for three quarters of mault brewed
into stronge beare November the 9th 1662, of which
was made foure hogsheads of stronge beare and foure of
ordinary beare and one of small beare 03 1 1 06
It. Paid then to Thomas Andrew for sixteen pounds of hops for
the beare at is. ^d. a pound 01 00 00
It. Paid to Rich. Laycocke of Barlay for makeing me two
steepeings of Barlye into mault to six quarters . . . . 00 i o 00
It. Pa id to Mr. Todd of York the grocer for sixteen pounds of
hops at i^. 4^/. a pound for brewing foure hogsheads of
March beare w*^^ was made March the 21st 1662, into
which wee put foure quarters of malt grinded moulter
free, 2 pecks of wheat, 4 pecks of pease and 4 pecks of oats 01 01 04
1703
It. Paid to Charles Bossvill for makeing the above said 5 1
quarters of barly into mault at his kill at is. Sd. a quarter 04 05 00
It. Paid to Charles Bossvill May 22nd 1703 for makeing three
quarters of wheat into mault 00 05 00
XII
These household books are particularly explicit with re-
gard to Sir Miles' expenditure on his own clothes. They are
of value as showing the style of dress adopted by country
gentlemen of those times. Sir Miles' considerable outlay
on clothes in the Commonwealth period has already been
given in detail.
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS 155
In 1 66 1 he went into court mourning on the death of the
Duke of Gloucester, spending 25J. 4^. on black ribbon and
braid to trim a new black suit. His expenditure on dress
naturally decreased as years went on ; in early life even his
saddle was trimmed with blue plush silver lace, but in one of
his last entries he is content to buy holland cloth to cover his
woollen nightcap. The buying of the heads of hai;: of daugh-
ters of his tenants to make periwigs is most characteristic.
1 66 1 £ s, d.
It. Paid to Mr. Raulison of York for blew plush silver lace, and
silke and silver fringe for my saddle 030103
It. Paid to Parker the sadler of York his bill for making up
my saddle, and for holsters bridle breast girth and cruper
stiropes and leathers with girths and other necessarys
in all 02 07 06
It. Paid for a paire of new white woolen ridinge stockings for
my selfe 00 1 5 00
It. Paid for a girdle and six points to tye upp my stockings
with when I ride 00 02 06
It. Paid to Mr. Henley of York, June the 20th, 1664, for
one yard and halfe an ell of fine black Spanish cloth for a
mourning coat for my selfe, when my poore sister Ering-
ton dyed, which was the 1st of Aug. 1664. Mem : I
made my black suit of a black coate that I had before . 02 04 09
It. Paid then to Mr. Horsefield my Taylor his bill for making
up my blacke mourning suit and coat with all lining and
other things 021806
1668
Imp. paid to a man of Yorke for mending and puting some
haire into my browne periwigg but he has spoyled it . . 00 1 5 00
It. paid to Peg. Heavisides for her head of haire w'^'^ I got of
her towards making me a perriwigg but it is too short . 00 02 06
It. paid for a new periwig w*^^ my man John Pullaine bought
for me at Yorke june the 8th 02 10 00
It. Paid to Mr. Morland of York the habberdesher for a white
demicastor edgd with silver gallowne 01 02 06
It. Paid then to him for a silver hat band 00 05 06
It. Paid more to Mr. Hillary the mercer july the 22nd 1673
his bill for black ribbon for triming my Pantaloon britches
and for buttons and other things for them . . . . . 04 1 3 00
It. Paid more to Mr. Horsfield his bill for altering my farren-
den britches, and makeing them Panteloons 00 05 00
It. Paid for two yards and three quarters of Scotch cloth to
make halfe a dozen night handcherchiefs for my selfe . . 00 04 10
In 1668 he paid £,() 9J. 8^. for a coat of fine Spanish
cloth at 2 1 J. per yard, lined with flowered silk. A 'new
156 THE ANCESTOR
sword belt wrought with silver twist * cost 1 6s.y and a new
perriwig, £2 15J.
In the same year he bought yards of camlett at 2s, 4^.
for a riding cloak, £1 is, ; and of Hewley of York 5 yards
of fine Spanish sad colourd cloth at 55. a yard for vest,
coat and breeches, is, 6d, Mr. Robt. Horsfield of York
for lining, trimming and ribbon and making of the suit
charged £() 1 5 J. A ^ riding velvet capp ' cost 1 7 j., and 1 2
yards of ' red scaflett ribbin,' 55. 6d,
In 1676 he bought ' 2 J yds. of fine broad mixt gold
coullourd Spanish cloth ' at 20J. a yard for coat and breeches,
£1 lis, 6d. ; the trimming, lining, ribbin, silk and buttons
cost £^ i8j., and the making up 105. He also gave 'to
the tailors men to drinke is,'
His purchases for 1682 included a long periwig at £1 5^.,
and a short riding periwig at i ^s.
In 1688 he paid to Mrs. Hillary for 2^ yards of fine
cloth for a coat at 1 8 j. a yard, £1 55. ; 8 yard and halfe of
sad coloured shagreen at 4J. 4^. a yard for lining the coat,
1 6s, lod. ; also 11 dozen of silke buttons at 8<3^. a dozen
for the coat, 75. ^d.
At the same time he bought ' 3|- yds. of rich flowred
velvet at 13J. a yard for a pr. of britches for myself £1 55. 6^.,'
and a dozen of gold small buttons and 2 gt. ones, is, 8^. ; also
a pair of long silk stockings for 13J., and a pair of worsted
stockings, 6s, 6d, The lining, the pockets, the stays and the
making brought the total expenditure to £% 15J. 3^.
In 1696 Sir Miles paid —
for a new blacke beaver hatt w*^^ John Reynold bought for me at £ s. d.
London 02 15 00
paid to Tho. Harrison the Milliner for 4 yards and half a
quarter of silke mantua for lining my waistcoat. . . . 01 06 00
It. Paid to Mr. Cayne for a new periwigg for my selfe Aprill
1697 02 07 06
It. Paid to Glows daughter of Beedall for the haire of her
head w^^ I bought on her to make me a periwigg, May
14th, 1697 00 II 06
It. Paid to Mr. Caine March the ist 1697(8) for a new periwigg
for my selfe, besides a head of haire which I bought that
cost me halfe a guinay and he added more haire to it, soe
that I paid him ^^i \']s. 6d. and 1 1 shillings for the head
of haire I bought, made it in all £2 8j. 6d., of w*^^ I paid
to Mr. Caine 01 17 06
It. Paid then to Mr. Caine for two pounds of fine haire powder 00 03 00
HOUSEHOLD BOOIfS
157
It. Paid then to Mr. Caine for one bottle of essence for haire . 00 03 06
Inp. Paid to Mr. Crofts for periwig for my selfe, March the
4th 1705 03 00 00
It. Paid to Mr. Agar of York 15th of March 1705 for 5 yards
and a quarter of cloth at 1 8 shillings a yard for a coat,
britches, and waist coat for my selfe 04 14 06
It. Paid then to Mr. Tho. Harrison for shalloon for lineing for
my coat and waist coat 00 16 oa
It. Paid then to Mr. Redman for triming for my clothes . , 00 lo 09
It. Paid then more for buttons and skins and thread .... 00 06 oa
It. Paid to Mr. Favell for 9 yards and a halfe of damaske for a
morning gowne for my selfe 00 1 1 o i
It. Paid for 9 yards and a halfe for lining the gowne . . . 00 08 08
There are no entries in these books as to the wearing
apparel of the first Lady Stapleton, who doubtless had her own
pin money for the purpose. To his second wife Sir Miles
made the then handsome allowance of {fio a year ' for her
weareing Apparrel and other necessaryes.' In addition he
frequently made her presents, of which the following entries
are examples : —
It. Paid for a morning gowne at Yorke for my wife at Whit- £ s. d.
suntide 1688 03 00 00
It. Paid for a white hood at Yorke w*^*^ I gave to my wife 30th
Apr. 1688 00 03 00
It. Paid for some pins w*^^ I bought for my wife 00 01 08
It. Paid for an Indyan fine flourished night raile and apron,
bought at the doore, July 6th 1700 and given to my wife 00 02 06
It. Paid for two yards of fine plaine mussleing given to my wife 00 06 00
It. Given to my wife one guinay, November 25th 1700 . . 01 01 06
It. Given to my wife one guinay for a new years giuft Jan. the
1st 1700, New Years day 01 01 06
It. Paid for 4 yards of staynd Indian callicoe for a morning
gowne for my wife 00 1 1 00
It. Paid more for some of the same Indian callicoe to finish
morning gowne 00 08 00
It. Given to my wife January the 12th 1700 (i),one litle silver
porringer 00 12 00
It. Given to my wife January 24th 1700 (i) five pounds in
ould broad Edward shillings 05 00 00
It. Given to my wife one broad Jacobus peece the 5 th of
Aprill 1702 01 05 06
It. Given more to my wife the 24th of July 1702 at her goe-
ing to York, etc., 3 guinays and one Luidore . . . . 04 o i 06
It. Sent or given more to my wife one guynay by Mr. Baits . 01 01 06
It. Given more to my wife when abroad 01 01 06
It. Given more to my wife the 29th of August 1702, two
guineas and fourteen shillings, in all 02 17 00
L
158 THE ANCESTOR
It. Given more to my wife the 27th of Sep' 1702 one Luidore £ s. d.
and one halfe guinay 01 07 09
It. Given to my wife one five guynay peece of gold, March the
1st 1704 05 07 06
Sir Miles' nephew and heir, Nicholas Errington, was
married in 1682. He had four children, Nicholas, Gregory,
Mary (Moll), and Betty. They lived at Carlton, and during
the latter part of his life old Sir Miles not only provided them
with clothes, etc., but entered the details among his accounts,
as the household books often bear witness.
Inp. Paid May the i8th 1698, to Mr. Thomas Harrison ot £^ s. d.
Yorke the Mercer, for drugit and other stufFe with line-
ing shalloone and buttons for new coats, waistcoats and
britches for litle Nick. Erington and his brother Gregorye
and new coat and petty coat for their sister Betty Ering-
ton, in all 03 07 22
It. Given to my nephew Erington halfe a guinay for New
Years giuft 00 1 1 00
It. Given to his daughter Mary for a new years giuft . . . 00 02 06
It. Given to litle Bettye for a new years giuft 00 01 00
It. Given to litle Nick for a new years giuft 00 01 00
It. Given to litle Gregory for a new years giuft 00 00 6
It. Paid to a Scotch-man feb. 3rd 1698(9) for three musselin
cravats for thre of the children, vid. Nick. Betty, and
Gregory 00 07 06
It. Paid to Thomas Roush of Snaith for 8 yards and a halfe ot
drugitt at \s. yd. a yard with buttons, silke, canvas, thred
and tape for two frocks for litle Nick. Erington and his
bro. Gregory 00 18 00
It. Paid to Mr. George Hargrave the danceing master, the
24th of March 1697, for teaching three of my nephew
Eringtons children, 3 weeks to dance vid. Mary, Nicholas,
and Betty 02 00 00
It. Paid to Mick Hessay for a paire of pumps for litle Nick.
Apr. 14th 1698 00 02 01
It. Paid more to him for a paire of shous for him . . . . 00 02 02
It. Paid more to him for a paire of shoues for Moll. Erington . 00 02 02
It. Paid more to him for a paire of shoues for Bette Erington . 00 01 06
It. Paid more to him for a paire of shoues for Greg. Erington . 00 01 06
It. Given to my nephew Eringtons daughter Mary, June 27th
1 700, in money towards buying some odd necessarys for
her selfe 01 00 00
It. Paid for a very fine night raile and apron for Moll Erington
flourd 00 02 06
It. Paid to Thomas Wherrye for 4 yards of keating cloth for
six handkerchiefs for her 00 06 06
It. Paid more to Thomas Wherrye for 5 yards of holland
cloth at 2s. 6d. a yard for two shifts for her . . . . 00 1 2 06
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS
It. Paid for 1 8 yards of stript Indian stuff at 3J. a yard for s. d,
making her a mantle and petticoat 02 14 00
It. Paid for one yard of fine musslein for one handkerchiefe
for her 00 03 00
It. Paid for two yards of mussleine for a pan for Moll. Eringtons
head 00 06 00
It. Paid to Mr. Harrison of Yorke his bill for things for Moll.
Erington 00 1 5 00
It. Paid to Mr. Denison his bill for making things for Moll.
Erington 00 17 06
1700
It. Paid to John Hinde for makeing petticoats for Mull. Erington
and trimming her mantoe 00 16 06
It. Paid for 3 ounces of worsted for mending the childrens
stockings 00 00 09
It. Paid for a paire of shoue buckles for litle Nike Erington . 00 00 04
It. Given in money to Mall. Erington Sep*" 1700 . . . . 00 10 00
It. Paid to Pegg. Phillitoe for two paire of white stockings for
Nick, and Gregory Erington 00 02 00
It. Paid more to Pegg. Phillitoe for other two paire of stockings
for them 00 02 00
It. Paid to John Hudson for two new hatts for Nick, and
Gregory besides 2 they had before 00 1 1 00
It, Paid for halfe a yard of cloth for a paire of briches for Nicke
Erington 00 04 00
Sir Miles Stapleton's livery colour was blue. The chief
references to livery for his servants were when they were
provided with handsome cloaks to wait on the high sheriff or
the judges. The first occasion when four such livery cloaks
were purchased was in 1661, when his brother-in-law. Sir
Thomas Osborne (afterwards Duke of Leeds) was sheriff.
1 66 1 £ s. 4-
Inp. Paid to Mr. Christopher Howley of York for fourteen
yards of blew cloth for making four cloaks to waite of
S""- Thomas Osbourne the high SherifFe at York in lent
Assizes 1 66 1 16 00 00
It. Paid to Mr. Rawlison the mercer for 5 ounces of silver lace
and a quarter for the capes of the 4 cloaks 01 06 03
It. Paid more to Mr. Rawlinson for 5 yards of ell broad white
french searge at 5 yard for facing the cloakes . . . . 01 05 00
It. Paid more to Mr. Rawlinson for two ounces of silke and
foure longe buttons with silver heads for the cloaks . . 00 09 04
It. Paid to Robt. Horsefield the taylor for stifining for the
capes 00 02 00
It. Paid more to Robert Horsefield for makeinge the foure
blew livery cloaks 00 i o 00
The cloaks cost in all 09 12 07
i6o THE ANCESTOR
It. Paid my chardges to York March the 15 th 1661, with my
foure livery men to waite on the high SherifFe when Judge
Turner came in, in Assize weeke in lent 1661 and stayed
there a week which cost me in all in chardges ....
It. Paid and spent in chardges August 1662 at York being in
lamas Assizes 1662 when my man John Sotheby went to
waite of the SherifFe with my foure livery men in their
cloaks S*"* Thomas Osborne being then high Sheriffe and
my selfe then at London that I could not waite on him
at this second Assizes
1673
Disbursed for Jack Taylor (postilion) riding blue livery coat &c.
It. Paid to Mr. Sudman of York the 24th of March 1672(3)
for one yard and three quarters of blue broad cloth .
It. Paid then Mr. Hillary for 3 yards of yeallow paddua searge
to line it with
It. Paid then to Sheriff Horsefield of York the Taylor his bill
for buttons, lace, silks, stayes, and making the livorey coat
in all
Paid to Nill Lodge the 4th of Aprill 1673 his bill for Jack
Taylor shammoy leather doublett and blue cloth searge
britches, with buttons, lineings, silk, thread, galloons,
ferritt ribbon and other things for making them up .
1682
Paid to Mr. Hillary of Yorke for four livery cloaks with make-
ing and triming for sending in with Mr. Lowther when
he was high Sherriff of Yorkshire
It. Paid for two yards and a halfe of blew cloth for makeing a
livery coat for Robin Littlewood the postillion and
another livery coat for John Collins .......
XIII
Although so staunch to his own religious convictions, Sir
Miles was broad minded enough to take his share in repairs
of the places of worship of the Established Church on his
estates.
In 1662 he paid 7^. (id, to repair 'the glasse in our quire
on the north aisle of Snaith church which has always antiently
belonged to Carleton house/ In the same year there is an
entry of giving \s, to Foster the clerk of Bedale for 'shewing
the church there to my brother Errington and mee/ and he
several times contributed towards its general repair outside
any question of rate.
In 1656 eight shillings were paid for glazing the windows
of the quire of Carlton chapel.
In 1688 Sir Miles paid {ji 'to Stephen Sheapard the
L d.
04 05 00
00 15 04
00 12 00
00 10 00
01 01 00
OI 00 08
07 12 00
00 17 06
HOUSEHOLD BOOKS i6i
bricklayer that rebuilded and repaired the Chappell at Carleton,
being my owne free gift w*^^ I promised for vaulting the roofe
with lime and haire on the inside of it/
In Mr. Chetwynd-Stapylton's book it is assumed that
there was no place of public worship at Carlton in old days
apart from a possible manorhouse chapel ; but there was a
parochial chapel at Carlton long before Reformation days,
with burial rights attached in consequence of the separation
of the township from the parish church by the waters of the
Aire. Certain members of the Stapleton family were buried
here.
In 1 70 1 and again in 1704 Sir Miles repaired the quire
windows of the church of Drax.
In the household book for 1688 full particulars are entered
by Sir Miles of the monument that he erected that year in
Snaith Church to the memory of his first wife.
Disbursed as followeth for a monum*- makeing in Snaith Church
for my deare first wife, who was daughter to the Earle of
Lindsey, who dyed the 28th of february 1683, and this
monum*- was set up in September 1688.
Inp. Paid to Mr. Samwell Carpenter of York, the stone-cutter
for makeing and seting up a Marble Monum*'* in my quire
or Chappell on the north-side of Snaith Church, Septem-
ber the 27th 1688, fifty pounds 50 00 00
It. Paid then more to Mr. Carpenter for paveing over the vault,
with blacke and white marble on both sides the great
marble grave-stone 09 00 00
My wives Monument cost in all 59 00 00
It. Given to Mr. Carpenters men to drinke when the Monu-
ment was finished 00 02 06
XIV
The expenditure of this Yorkshire squire on books and
other literature is singularly interesting and would well bear
annotating. The exigencies of space forbid however anything
of this kind being now attempted, and it must suffice to
simply name his purchases in that direction up to 1660.
When in town in 1657, he paid ' to the Stationer for two
bookes the advise to the sonn, and the lifes of the kinges of
England in brief 2s' In the following year he spent 6d,
* for the Act against Catholicks/ and the like amount ' for a
litle boke called S'" Henry Slingsbyes legacy.' He also ex-
1 62 THE ANCESTOR
pended ^d, on an almanack for his wife and another for him-
self.
When the king returned in 1660, Sir Miles made the
following entries in his accounts: —
g s. d.
It. paid for Bakers Cronicle of England 00 i 5 00
It. paid for a booke called the Royall Buckler 00 02 00
It. paid for a booke of the kinges escape called Boscobell . . 00 01 00
It. paid for the Act of Indempnity and several other Acts made
since the kings coming in 00 03 01
It. paid for Mathew Hiltons booke called the State of perfec-
tion 00 02 02
It. paid for a new manual for myselfe 00 02 06
It. paid for another book of the kings escape . . . . . . 00 o I 00
It. paid for the kings declaration about religion 00 01 00
It. paid for booke of the tryall of the kinges judges . . . . 00 03 00
J. CHARLES COX.
THE GARTER PLATES AS A ROLL OF
ARMS
THE most sumptuous heraldic book ever issued in Eng-
land is Mr. W. H. St. John Hope's book of the Stall
Flutes of the Knights of the Garter. In one direction it is also
the most important work on the subject.
English students of heraldry who have seen and admired
in their originals or their many copies those great rolls of arms
which survive upon the continent of Europe, and notably in
Germany and Switzerland, will have realized that although the
armory of our own medieval artists yields in no particular ot
beauty or vigour of drawing to that of their foreign rivals, one
great feature is lacking to us. No single ancient roll of arms
survives in England in which the shields are topped by the
crests and mantled helms which play so striking a part in such
collections as the Zuricher Wappenrolle or the Arlberg Bruder-
schafts Buche. That such rolls formerly existed in England is
shown by the rough copy remaining in a Harleian MS. [2076]
of roll of North Country gentry of the time of Edward IV.
The crests in these rough trickings show clearly enough that
they follow an original of the date which we have assigned to
this roll. In another Harleian MS. [4205], an original book
of arms of mid-fifteenth century date, we have nearly two hun-
dred and Mtj figures in colours of knights prancing upon
horseback with their arms on coats and horse-trappers, but
although wreaths are twisted about their helmets, no crests
surmount them.
Here in Mr. Hope's book in the Garter plates we have
armorial evidence which, leaving aside one early plate, may be
said to range from 142 1 to 1485. Not the best period of
heraldry, to be sure, but one concerning which we have much
to learn, for the art of heraldry came by many mishaps during
the tugging times of the Wars of the Roses, and for this
period we have no roll of arms of the first rate now in exist-
ence.
Mr. Hope's book gives us eighty-nine plates. Of these
the early plate of Ralph, Lord Bassett of Drayton, is at once
163
THE ANCESTOR
the largest and finest, and is the only plate of its class. One
plate may be set aside for another reason, that of Sir Frank van
Halen being an impudent forgery of Hall the chronicler, who
chose Sir Frank to be an ancestor of his own.
Three more achievements are from spoiled or unfinished
plates found on the reverse of others. Four or five others
bear foreign arms and are executed under foreign influences,
so that our roll of arms is reduced to some eighty ex-
amples.
As might be expected these enamellers and metal workers
of the later middle ages show a notable unconcern of those
rules of the sacred science of heraldry which were to be laid
down and arranged by the Tudor heralds. Each point of their
achievements goes to make this clear.
The mantles hanging from the helmets are the first things
to attract remark. The books have laid down that the mantle
should be formed of the principal colour of the shield and
lined with its principal metal. Our fifteenth century artist,
untroubled by this hampering rule, set out the mantle in any
colours which take their fancy. The most popular mantle is
of red with an ermine lining, and no less than thirty-five
examples are to be found of this treatment, the red being in
seven cases diapered with leaves and flowers, and in two with
devices from the crest and shield.
Blue and ermine are five mantles, and black and ermine,
red and silver, silver and red number each three mantles.
Two are of black lined with red, and one example each exists
of purple and white, red and gold, gold and ermine, and
black and gold. Two mantles are all black and one all of
red, others are of three colours. The heads of birds being
set upon four helms allow their feathers to be continued down-
ward from the helmet into a feathered mantle, which mantle is
lined in two cases with red, once with ermine, and once with
purple. The ' bush of feathers ' of Courtenay's crest rises
from a mantle all of like feathers, and the like crest of
Felbrigge has a mantle of feathers lined with red.
Turning again to our heraldry manuals we find that where
there is no crown or ' ducal coronet,' as the books prefer to
style it, there must be either a ' cap of maintenance ' or a
wreath to support the crest, and the said wreath must be
formed of the two ' tinctures,' the ' metal and colour ' of the
mantle, six twists showing at the sidelong view of it.
THE GARTER PLATES 165
In seventeen cases we have nor wreath nor crown nor
hat. Twenty-one helms are crowned, but seven of these
crowns are coloured red, a liberty which the handbooks would
never allow. Nineteen crests are set upon ' hats of estate '
or ' bycocket hats/ which hats should by the books be of red
turned up with ermine, but two of these nineteen are of blue
and ermine, whereof the blue of one is powdered with fleurs
de lys, one is of red and silver, one of red and ermine with
the red diapered with flowers, and one is all of red. In the
fourteen cases where wreaths are shown four only can be said
to follow the later rule, the others being twisted of any two
or three colours at will. Sir Neel Loryng's crest of feathers
rises from a broad gold band, and Wydvile's plain green
wreath is set round with upright holly leaves.
But from these breakers of their rules the authors of the
handbooks have many things to learn. The crests are large
and sometimes cover a larger field than shield and helm to-
gether, but in every case they are set stoutly upon the helm
which supports them, and the mantles below them, however
grotesquely dagged and flourished, flow from the helm on
which they are hung. Here are achievements of arms of all
ranks from the king to the knight adventurers, but in no case
do we find the pitiful absurdities of helms set frontwise for
kings and knights and sidelong for nobles. In every case the
crest eagerly advances with its bearer. In every case the
whole composition is freely disposed and graceful in its
balance.
By the courtesy of Mr. Hope we are able to reproduce
several examples of the stall-plates, and although the beauty
of the enamel, which is imitated so successfully in his tall
book, is absent, some idea of the line and balance of the
compositions may be drawn from these pictures in miniature.
i66
THE ANCESTOR
SIR RALPH BASSETT, LORD BASSETT OF DRAYTON
This noble plate, at once the largest and the most ancient
of the remaining Garter plates, cannot be of later date than
the death of its owner in 1390. Sir Ralph, who fought at
Poitiers and on many other fields of France, was made Knight
of the Garter in 1368.
His shield of arms is of gold with three piles ot gules
and an ermine quarter, and his crest is a black boar's head
with golden tusks. The shield is still borne by his heirs, the
Wrottesleys of Wrottesley in Staffordshire.
Here we see the mantle in its earliest stage, the cloth hung
upon the helm to protect it from the sun's rays, but in the
dagged edges and tasseled end we see also the beginning of
the mantle which later artists were to play with at their
fantastic will.
tiiR Ralph Bassett of Drayton.
i68
THE ANCESTOR
SIR SIMON FELBRIGGE
This plate is one of the series set up in 1421. Sir Simon
Felbrigge was the bearer of the king's banner, and is depicted
as bearing it upon his magnificent brass in Felbrigge church
in Norfolk. He died at a great age in 1442.
His shield is gold with a leaping lion of gules, and his
crest is a bush of feathers of ermine. The ermine feathers run
down the mantle, which is lined with red, the colour of the
crown. Besides the crest is one of the two examples which
these early plates afford of what we now call the ' motto,' but
which the old knight doubtless called his ' word ' or his
' reason ' — San3 mUCt*
SIR HUGH BURNELL, LORD BURNELL
Another plate of the series set up in 1421. Sir Hugh
was governor of Bridgenorth Castle in 1386, and was one of
the lords who received Richard II. 's abdication in 1399. He
was Knight of the Garter in 1406 and died in 1420.
His shield bears the arms of Botetourt — gold with a saltire
sable engrailed — quartering Burnell, which is silver with a sable
lion with a crown within a border of azure. His mantle is
sable and ermine, and his curious crest, which Mr. Hope
describes as a fan-shaped object with ribs and borders and
tassels, is nothing more than a conventional form of the burr
bush which puns upon the name of Burnell.
170
THE ANCESTOR
SIR RICHARD BEAUCHAMP, EARL OF WARWICK
Sir Richard Beauchamp died in 1439 as governor for the
King of France and Normandy. He was made Knight of the
Garter in 1403, after Shrewsbury fight ; but this plate must
have been set up after 1423, when he married his second
wife, Isabel le Despenser, sister and heir of Richard le
Despenser and daughter of Thomas Earl of Gloucester.
His shield bears the arms of Beauchamp with its quarter-
ing for Newburgh, and an escutcheon of the arms of Clare
quartering Despenser. The crown is red, and the feathered
mantle turned up with purple, the colour of the swan's beak.
SIR WALTER HUNGERFORD, LORD OF
HUNGERFORD, HEYTESBURY AND HOMET
This plate, which must have been made after 1426, is in
the form of a black banner with a gold fringe. Sir Walter
was Speaker of the House of Commons, Constable of Wind-
sor Castle, and filler of many other high places. He had the
Garter in 142 1 and died in 1449.
His shield is sable with two bars silver and three silver
roundels in the chief. His crest, out of a blue crown, is a
golden sheaf between two silver sickles. His mantle is barred
with the arms of Hussey — barry ermine and gules — for that
his mother was a co-heir of Hussey of Holbrook.
u
<
o
THE ANCESTOR
SIR HUMFREY STAFFORD, EARL OF STAFFORD
AND DUKE AND EARL OF BUCKINGHAM
This plate was set up about 1429 for Sir Humfrey
Stafford, who was created Knight of the Garter in 1429.
His dukedom was given him in 1444, and he was killed on
the Lancastrian side at Northampton in 1460.
This noble and boldly drawn picture of his arms shows
his shield of Stafford — gold with a cheveron of gules. His
crest is a swan's head and wings out of a red crown, and his
mantle is party of red and black with an ermine lining.
SIR JOHN GREY OF RUTHYN
This plate was made about 1439 for Sir John Grey, who
was made Knight of the Garter in 1436, 'and died in his
father's lifetime in 1439. It is a black plate with a golden
border.
The arms are barry of silver and azure with three roundels
of gules in the chief quartering the quartered arms of Hastings
and Valence. A silver label lies over all. His crest of a
golden wyvern is also charged with this label. The mantle is
of gold and ermine.
\
M
174
THE ANCESTOR
SIR RICHARD NEVILL, EARL OF SALISBURY
Sir Richard was a younger son of Ralph, Earl of West-
morland, and was born in 1400, becoming Knight of the
Garter about 1436. He was the Yorkist Lord Chancellor in
1454, and was taken after Wakefield fight in 1460, and be-
headed by the victorious Lancastrians. He was a made man
by his marriage with Alice, daughter of Thomas Montague,
Earl of Salisbury, whom he succeeded in the earldom in 1428
by right of his wife.
His shield bears in the first quarter the arms of his earl-
dom — Montague quartering the green eagle of Mahermer ;
and in the second quarter is his father's coat of Nevill, differ-
enced with a label of the Beaufort colours of blue and white,
here wrongly enamelled as black and white. His crest is a
sitting griffon, and his mantle is parted of red and black with
an ermine lining.
SIR GASTON DE FOIX, COUNT OF LONGUEVILLE
AND BENANGES, CAPTAU DE BUCH
Sir Gaston followed King Henry in his French wars, and
in 1438 or 1439 was made a knight. The plate was set up
about 1440. It is here reproduced as being probably a speci-
men of French work. The arms are those of Foix quartering
the two red cows of Bearn, with a label whose three points
are each charged with the cross and escallops of Grailly, his
father's house. The wings of his crest are paled with the
gold and gules of Foix, which colours appear also in the long
eared blackamoor's wreath and coat.
176
THE ANCESTOR
SIR RICHARD WYDVILE, EARL RIVERS
This beautiful plate was set up about 1450 for Sir Richard
Wydvile, a Knight of the Garter in 1450. He was a Lancas-
trian, who became Yorkist on the marriage of his daughter
with Edward IV. in 1464. An earl in 1464, he was taken
by Lancastrians and beheaded in Northampton in 1469.
His shield bears in the first quarter the arms of Wydvile
— silver with a fesse gules and a quarter gules quartering
ProweSj gules an eagle of gold. The second quarter is the
vair of Beauchamp of the west country, and the escutcheon
over all has Rivers or Reviers, gules a griffon of gold.
His crest, out of a green wreath set with leaves of holly,
is a demi-man flourishing a faulchion ; his coat being of red
with long sleeves, powdered with golden trefoils.
SIR THOMAS BURGH, LORD BURGH OF
GAINSBOROUGH
Sir Thomas Burgh was Knight of the Garter in 1483,
which will represent the date of the plate before us. In 1487
he was summoned as a baron to Parliament, and in 1496 he
died.
His shield bears in the first quarter the coat of Burgh —
azure with three fleurs de lys ermine. The second quarter
has the blue lion of Percy quartered with Strabolgi — Sir
Thomas's mother being Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of
Sir Henry Percy, whose mother was co-heir of Strabolgi.
The helm wreath is black and blue, and the mantle blue and
ermine. The falcon of the crest is silver with golden beak,
red legs and a gold crown round the neck.
THE ANTIQUARY AND THE NOVELIST
LONG has been the debate over the language of the his-
torical romance. When the knight and the lady, the
squire and the friar, first found themselves within the boards
of a novel or within the walls of the Castle of Otranto the
manner of their speech mattered little. The conventions of
the novel asking little more than that the Frenchman and the
Highlander should speak broken English in order to make
their part clear to the reader, the early romance writers of the
eighteenth and nineteenth century wore their archaeology easily
enough. But with the growing demand for a flavour of the
antique in the speech of the puppets, a language was soon
framed for the purpose — a language which compares with
the English of our forefathers even as does the Old English
costume of the novelist's illustrator with the dress of past
times. The Old English costume of doublet with small
tuckered frills at neck and wrists, with slashed trunk breeches,
short mantle, cap and plume, and boots with tops turned
over the ankles, served to clothe many villains and many
heroes, the heroes with curling locks and little patches of
whisker by the ear, the villains adding heavy eyebrows and
rudimentary moustaches. It found itself at last officially
recognized at King George IV. 's expensive coronation, and
the stage accepted it with enthusiasm. The stage too made
the Old English language its own, and in the mouths of Mr.
Crummies and his fellows the ' beshrew me ' and ' by my hali-
dame * of the novelist became familiar oaths.
The first landmarks of the revival of Gothic architecture
are Strawberry Hill and Abbotsford, and likewise we may
reckon the progress of the historical novel by the Castle of
Otranto and Ivanhoe, In Walpole*s day England was incurious
concerning its past. If Mr. Horace Walpole, a lord's son and
a rich man, chose to gather oddments of old armour and
coloured glass and to build himself a villa in what no one
doubted to be the Old English style, it was the harmless humour
of a great gentleman playing at the barbarian, and the Castle
of Otranto and its fellows, ' gothick tales ' as we styled them,
were accepted with an agreeable shudder as pictures of the mys-
terious and Gothic past. But it is a far cry from Strawberry
177
178 THE ANCESTOR
Hill to Abbotsfordj and beside Sir Walter's Scott's pony the
nation travelled a long road. If anywhere it be allowed to give
one man's name to a stream of tendency in life and letters it must
surely be with the good and gallant Scott. The historian, the
antiquary, the romancer — if their full debt to Sir Walter came
straightly home to all of these, what a pilgrimage might set out
for Dryburgh Abbey to ask forgiveness for all ungratefulness.
Yet the man who brought us the new light, who showed
us that the past was no gloomy shadowland, but a many
coloured and delightful world, alive and stirring with the
deeds of men of our own blood, was little of an antiquary
himself. Gentle Captain Clutterbuck, for whom a round arch
was Saxon work and a pointed arch was after the Norman's
fashion, may well stand for his creator. They tell us that a
race of boy is growing up who will have none of Ivanhoe^
preferring the fascinating machines of Messieurs Boothby and
Pemberton. It may be said for that boy that he will escape
those curious misconceptions of almost every detail of twelfth
century manners, which cling to us in whose nursery Ivanhoe
was familiar as our bread and butter, but a safe grounding in
archaeology may be gained at too high a price, and one may
ask whether the new novels are more satisfying to the purist.
The lists of Ashby de la Zouche have seen many a brisk
skirmish since the Templar and the Black Knight rode away
from them. Ivanhoe himself has been a mark for many shafts,
and the critic has told every link in his Milan harness of linked
anachronisms. True it is that young knights of King Richard's
day outrage the fashions in such matters by displaying shields
with young oak trees eradicated with a motto painted under-
neath their roots, even as the fancy stationer could emblazon
them upon our envelopes. And if a young English knight's
fancy should lead him to the improbability of translating his
motto into Spanish he ought to translate it more accurately
than did Sir Wilfrid.
But to cry out upon such accidents of detail is treason to
the patron saint of antiquaries, the holy founder of our gild.
Sir Walter rode alone even as did Sir Wilfrid, none aiding him,
and those mighty and whole-spirited books of his should be
sacred things for the critic.
Our later romancers, the heirs of three generations of the
new historical studies, have no claim to such forbearance. For
the most selfish reason we must remain on good terms with
ANTIQUARY AND NOVELIST 179
our Scott, knowing well that the day comes surely round when
we shall be impelled to read him again, to go back to rub elbows
with Dugald Dalgetty and the Baron of Bradwardine. With
all the cleverness, the learning and ingenuity, which must be
acknowledged to them, our history book romancers to-day fail
to call us to a second reading.
The criticism of the novel is no business for The Ancestor^
but when the novel wanders into those paths which The Ancestor
walks. The Ancestor may speak with it on the way.
Here then for our text we have The White Company^ 2l
romance by Sir Conan Doyle, an honest book and a whole-
some, with better reading for the young of the English than
any score new novels on the never-failing motives of sex
problems or 'jewel mysteries.' But the critics have not con-
tented themselves with praising the * Song of the bow ' for a
rousing song, nor the story for a hearty and stirring one. We
must be told that a perfect picture of fourteenth century
England is before us, and that romance has here its foundation
upon sure fact and accurate detail.
As we turn the leaves of The White Company^ we note at
the outset that it is full of heraldry, and heraldry has ever
been the stumbling-block of the novelist, from the catch-
phrase with the ' bar-sinister ' to the full chapter with the
tournament banners under which the hero bears away the
tilting prize. Sir Conan Doyle trips even more heavily than
his fellows. It is evident that for him the whole business
of the ' language and science of blazonry ' is good fourteenth
century matter instead of being post-medieval accretion. At
the beginning of his career AUeyne Edricson is questioned
by his master Sir Nigel as to his proficiency in this science,
and we are relieved to find that he acquits himself passing
well for a young man born before the language demanded
of him had been invented. ' Argent a fesse azure charged
with three lozenges dividing three mullets sable, over all on
an escutcheon of the first a jambe gules.* Thus Master
Alleyne, with all the assurance of one who has Boutell or
Clarke at his finger ends, and Sir Nigel assures him with truth
that the sentence is well enough for a monk-bred man, which
is great praise from one who, like Sir Nigel, was a long way
ahead of his time in his knowledge of such things. This we
see when Sir Nigel boasts of his sixty-four noble quarterings,
a phrase which would have no meaning for centuries after
i8o THE ANCESTOR
him, and which would never be fully understood by English-
men. Sweet counsel on heraldry we may also take with Sir
William de Pakington, a grave personage who is introduced
as the Black Prince's own herald and scrivener, a doubling of
trades hard to understand. Sir William ' in the heraldic barret
cap with triple plume which bespoke his office ' — Sir Conan
has evidently taken the best advice Covent Garden can afford
concerning the costume of heralds — is an imposing figure, but
we sympathize nevertheless with the young knights whom
he rebukes for their ignorance of the point that a crescent
was the established ' difference ' for a second son's shield, as
indeed two centuries later it was to become. Before we part
with Sir William, he gives us a touch of his craft as a
genealogist. Hearing that a gentleman before him is called
by the sufficiently widely spread name of Ford, he pronounces
him at once, to the admiration of his hearers, to come of ' a
South Saxon stock of good repute,' and the ' South Saxon ' in
the mouth of a fourteenth century herald surprises neither Sir
Nigel Loring nor Sir Conan Doyle.
Everywhere ne White Company encounters heraldry, and
everywhere it is woefully wrong and topsy-turvy heraldry.
The banners of the great English lords, and with them the
banners of some families unfamiliar in such company, meet us
at every turn of the lane. We meet 'the escutcheon of the
Montacutes, a roebuck gules on a field argent,' but Monta-
cute, or Montague as we call him when we know our middle
ages, bore no such beast. Aylward the archer points out at
Lyndhurst the ' three martlets on a field azure,' which he
assures us must be for one of the Luttrells, and Aylward is
wrong as usual, although we can forgive a man who knows
so little of armory as to show no surprise when he sees that
Sir Bernard Brocas, the owner of the next banner, is bearing
his Saracen's head crest on that banner instead of on his hel-
met. This, as we understand Sir Conan and Sir Nigel, was,
surprising as it may seem, no rare practice in the Black
Prince's host, for we find Beauchamp invariably bearing the
white wings of his swan crest on his shield, and even then
unaccountably forgetting that his crest was the swan's head
alone without any flanking wings. Lord Audley bears martlets,
which is no coat of Audley. The Lucies bear boars' heads
in place of their more familiar ' white luces,' and the Hamp-
shire Roches bear, instead of their leopards, the roaches of
r
ANTIQUARY AND NOVELIST i8i
another family of the name, and those coloured wrongly.
Wake at last comes to amaze us by bearing the scarlet bars
which are indeed part of his arms.
When even the arms of great Chandos himself are mis-
quoted, we turn from Aylward and Sir NigeFs descriptions of
the banners of these captains feeling that Sir Conan has over-
estimated their powers when he tells us that, like most men
of their age, they were ' well versed in heraldry.'
But worse remains behind. If we were to choose at
haphazard a fellow countryman unaware that the badge
of St. George borne on our nation's banner was a red cross
— St. George's cross — we should not have chosen the singer
of the * song of the bow ' for such ill eminence. But so,
alas, it is ! The ' true English bowman ' bear, as a matter
of habit, ' white surcoats with the Lion of Sl George in red upon
the centre,' and women on the eve of battle are described as
cutting out white surcoats and adorning them ' with the red
lion of St. George.' That the cross of St. George should be
unknown to an English-speaking man staggers belief. We go
sadly back again to more blazoning by Aylward and his com-
mander of the shields of captains, only to find Sir Nigel
describing the Worsleys as an Apuldercombe family ^ who
like myself are of Hampshire lineage,' and we have no heart
to protest that he has misread his handed Gentry or to tell him
that the Worsleys were then a Lancashire family, who would
come to Apuldercombe by marriage with the Lees of that
place several generations after Sir Nigel would be dead and
buried. If we corrected him we should feel obliged to go
further and explain that the ' bloody ' cheveron of the Norfolk
Wodehouses does not appear, according to the family legend,
until it is granted on Agincourt field fifty years after Sir Nigel,
who is short-sighted, thinks he descries it, nor for some years
later, if we stay by sober facts.
The very names of our characters show no advance in the
novelist's apprehension of such things since Scott first pioneered
the way. Scott, mistranslating the Reginaldus of old charter
Latin, gave us Reginald Front de Boeuf — from whom come
the host of Reginalds since born to displace the old English
Reynold — the true translation of Reginaldus. But in Sir
* Nigel ' Loring we have the like error. Sir Conan Doyle's
imagination failing him, he must needs take the name of an
actual Garter Founder for his heroic little knight, giving him
1 82 THE ANCESTOR
a new shield of arms, and describing his family as of Hamp-
shire instead of Bedfordshire. But Nigel is Nigellus mis-
rendered. Nigellus should translate as Nele or Neel, a
name from which comes a frequent English surname ; and
when Sir Conan fishes the true Sir Neel Loring from some
chronicle which thus rightly names him, he is allowed under
that description to enter the pages of The White Company^
where he is accounted for as a second cousin of Sir ' Nigel.'
Sir William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, represents a like
misrendering — the charter Latin of ' de Monte Acuto * equals
Montague and not Montacute. Needless to say our fourteenth
century lord is spoken of as ' the Baron Brocas/ which was
not our English custom even when speaking of a baron.
The names are unfortunate throughout. Samuel and
Silas will serve well enough for Cromwellian troopers in some
future work of Sir Conan's, but we reject them as character-
istic names of fourteenth century bowmen. In a thirteenth
century roll the writer of these lines once encountered a
Samuel ; but with a wider experience of old English names
than has Sir Conan, he rejects Aylward's Christian name as a
glaring improbability. Aylward's companions however seem
well used to the name, and every stranger hails him as Sam
or ' Samkin ' with the ease of habit.
The hero follows the present fashion in pedigrees. He is
a Saxon of Saxons, and to our wonderment we find our four-
teenth century nobility so interested in ' Saxon ' pedigrees of
a genuine character that Sir Nigel assures his squire that, had
he his family soccage holding, ' any family in the land would
be proud to take you amongst them, seeing that you come of
so old a family.' Our own experience of the marriages of the
daughters of great houses in Sir Nigel's day would put them
upon a more mercenary basis.
Alleyne Edricson was our hero's own not over probable
name, and ' his father would trace his pure Saxon lineage to
that Godfrey Malf who had held the manors of Bisterne and
of Minstead at the time when the Norman first set mailed
foot upon English soil.' Sir Conan is evidently of opinion
that Alleyne's name is itself characteristically Saxon, and that
the name Godfrey is as Saxon as Hengist. But ' Alleyne ' is
Breton and ' Godfrey ' is so remarkably un-English that we
overhaul Domesday to find that the holders of Minstead at
the Survey were the sons of a deceased Godric Malf. Godric,
V
ANTIQUARY AND NOVELIST 183
so English a name that twelfth-century Normans used it for
the typical ' John Bull,' has thus been clumsily misunderstood
as the French Godfrey. Surely Sir Walter was a safer guide
with his Cedrics and Wilfreds and Athelstans ! And since
the tournament of Ashby de la Zouche and the siege of
Torquilstone we have made no advance with our knowledge
of the lesser trappings of the romance, with our armour and
weapons and such like knightly necessaries.
In Sir NigeFs kit as packed for France we have the shoes
with golden toe chains dear to Mrs. Markham and the nursery
historians. The knights joust in 'plain tilting salades^ al-
though the salade is not a characteristic head covering for
people who jousted in the great helm which carried the crest,
and although the salade belongs to the fifteenth century and is
out of place here in the fourteenth. The word brigandine
signifies to the antiquary a jacket quilted with little plates of
iron, to Sir Conan it is but a convenient word to flavour
with when we are speaking of military costume. Generally
he describes it as a garment of chain mail, but in one case ' a
dinted brigandine * shows a faded red lion of St. George ' —
alas ! that red lion of Sir Conan's dream — ' ramping on a dis-
coloured ground,' so that the brigandine was sometimes a gar-
ment capable, like its name, of bearing some embroidery. Thus
medieval local colour is obtained by daubing in strange words
whose meaning Sir Conan guesses at and misunderstands.
That Sir Conan Doyle has learned little since the days
when he fought with White Company is shown by a later
work, A Duety with an Occasional Chorus, Here we have Sir
Conan setting about a good work, and through the mouth of
Mr. Frank Crosse telling us that the duty of us who live by
London is to love and cherish its old stories and its present
beauties. But Mr. Frank Crosse is a guide of the least trust-
worthy. We are ashamed for him and for his godfather Sir
Conan when he leads his beloved and betrothed to the cabyard
before Charing Cross station and with a grave face plants her
before ' the beautiful old stone cross.'
* Six hundred years ago,' said Frank, as they paused and looked up, * that
old stone cross was completed, with heralds and armoured knights around it to
honour her whose memory was honoured by the king. Now the corduroyed
porters stand where the knights stood, and the engines whistle where the
heralds trumpeted, but the old cross is the same as ever in the same old place.
It is a little thing of that sort which makes one realize the unbroken history of
our country.'
/
1 84 THE ANCESTOR
It is, on the contrary, *a little thing of that sort which makes
one realize ' that the history of our country is but a toyshop
fancy even to our educated men and to those who, like Sir
Conan Doyle, would fain be our teachers. That a man of
liberal culture should take the Victorian erection with which the
fancy of the South Eastern Railway directors have adorned their
yard for * a beautiful old stone cross ' of the greatest days of
the English architect's art, and should waste emotional wonder
upon it is nothing less than amazing, and saddening withal.
We walk with Mr. Frank Crosse as far as the Abbey in
chastened mood, passing on our way without comment the
real site of ' the beautiful old cross.' Even the recollection of
Edward I.'s heralds, who blow upon trumpets for no better
reason than that the White Rabbit of Lewis Carroll was in
after years to be pictured in a herald's tabard and blowing a
trumpet, fails to cheer us. We leave Frank and Maude at the
Abbey, for there Frank will explain that hanging upon a cross-
beam above are the actual helmet and shield used by Henry
V. at Agincourt, and this is another thing which is not so.
Now, when the antiquary has finished his carping at the
men who live to amuse and cheer him, the last word remains
after all with the novelist. Shall not the novelist reply that
as archaeology has been reckoned for ages no more than a
fitting amusement for the closing years of elderly gentlemen,
the science has left its work unorganized, unarranged and
undone ? It is not the business of the historian, of the
novelist, or the painter to leave desk and easel to stumble
along the ways of original research into medieval details. And
all three may ask where is the row of volumes which they
should find on the library shelf to give them in clear and
trustworthy fashion the points they need in matters touching
the customs, dress and language of our English forefathers.
So with happy remembrances of a good story well told,
and there are too few of such, we leave Tbe IVhite Company to
go its jolly way, blowing as is its wont upon its nakers, a kind
of kettledrum which the good knight Sir Conan, who is un-
certain of the meaning of the word, insists upon their using
for trumpets.^
OSWALD BARRON.
^ The Bab Balladmonger who invites us to * blow the spirit-stirring harp
like anything ! ' may here find countenance and good company.
The First Page of a Book of Arms,
(Harl: MS. 1169.)
A FIFTEENTH CENTURY BOOK OF ARMS
THIS book of arms, once in the possession of Randle
Holme, whose signature is found upon the first folio, is
now amongst the Harleian MSS. at the British Museum,
being numbered 2169 in that collection, and entitled
'Aunciant Coates.' Seventy -one leaves remain out of
seventy-six or more. It is especially interesting as an example
of decadent armory in the intermediate period between
the practice of the art in the great days of heraldry and
the charlatanry of its revival as a so-called science under the
Tudors. The book of arms before us is a collection of hasty
trickings with a pen, a very few being roughly coloured, and
it is hoped that our illustrations, which are from photographs
specially taken for The Ancestor^ may fairly represent their
original. It will be seen that unequal and coarse as is the
execution of the work the artist shows by his bold and well
balanced sketches of many of the figures that he is capable of
much finer work than would appear at a first glance at his
armorial crudities.
Another reason for reproducing this book of arms in its
completeness may be found in the language of the compilers,
for the original drawings are spotted with words and phrases
which we have endeavoured to inlay in our own blazon, which
has followed as far as may be the form of the customary
armorial language of the time.
The beginning of this roll is somewhat unpromising to
the student. The arms of the kings of the wild places of
the earth, of the nine worthy conquerors, pagan, Jew and
Christian, of the kings which were once in England, and
of the old English nobles, quaint as they are, are the common-
places of such books. But in the latter part of the work we
shall be introduced to many and valuable blazons of the
author's contemporaries which would otherwise be hard to
find, for fifteenth century heraldry, strangely enough, is
darker to delve in than that of the fourteenth or thirteenth
centuries.
The date of the roll is evidently the reign of Henry VI.,
185
i86
THE ANCESTOR
the sovereign glorified in the last of the creaking verses which
follow the pictures of English kings on horseback at the open-
ing of the book. A more exact date is perhaps afforded by
the presence of a number of London shields, which include
those of Wyfolde or Wywold, Gregory and Norman, Lord
Mayors in 1450, 145 1 and 1453, and that of John Derby,
sheriff of London in 1446. Here also we have the arms
of John Stockton and William Stoker, who were to be Lord
Mayors in 1470 and 1483, and the arms of the Tallow
Chandlers, granted in 1456.
[folio i]
'Thys Wylyam dowke of Normandye, As bokys olde makyth
mencyun.
By just tytyll and by hys chewalreye, Made kynge by quon-
qwest of Brewtus Albyon,
Putt owte Herrowde and toke possescyon. And bare hys crowne
full one and xx yere.
Beryed at Kane thus sayth the croneclere.
1. Goulys a lion gold with a border engrailed ^oZ^ [Fitzalan]
quartering checkered gold and asure [Warenne]. Mayster
ToMAs Arrundell,^ Byschoppe of Caunterbery,
2. ^e feld sable with a cross engrailed ermine and a crescent
ermine in the quarter. Master Robarde Halla[m]
[Bishop of Salisbury, 1408-17].
[folio i b]
3. At the back of this first leaf is a torn fragment of a shield
having apparently these arms : sylvyr three ragged
staves sable. Over the shield is written , , , on pas
done uncore, [This is probably the shield of Subston.J
Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1397-98 and 1 399-1414.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 187
[folio ii]
[Here follows the like figure of a king upon a horse with
these verses above it.]
The fyfth Herrey of Knyghthode the loaesterre, JVyse . . .
uly to termyne.
Reyght fortunat prewyd yn pece and werre, Gretly expert
and marchall dyscyplyne.
Worthy to stonde amonge the worthy ix, Reyned x yere who
so lyst to have rewarde,
Lyth at Westmestyr nott fer from Seynt Edwarde,
4. A cross engrailed between four water bougets [Bourchier].
5. Sylvyr two cheverons sabyll between three roses [gules]
[Wykeham],
6. A cross engrailed goulys with five pierced cinqfoils thereon.
[Priory of Hedyngton (Edington), co. Wilts ?]
1 88 THE ANCESTOR
[folio iii]
T hys sext Henrey hrowght forth yn all wertues. By just tytyll
hyryn by anerytaunce a fore prowyde by the grace of Cryst Jesus.
'To were ij crownys of Tnglonde and of Fraunce, To whom God
hath gevyn soverayne suffysaunce of wertus lyfe. And chose hym
for hys knyght. Long to regoyse and reygne yn hys reyght,
7. A cheveron between three pierced cinqfoils — impaling
the arms of the see of Canterbury — aseur a pall sylvre
with four crosses formy fitchy. Mayster Harry
ChycheleYj Byschoppe of Cauntyrbery [14 14- 1443].
/
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 189
8. Sylvyr a lion goulys armyd aseure croune and . . .
Leusandbergh Cardynal^ Cardynall of Ro . . . [Luxem-
burg].
9. Sa^k three palm branches gold, Mayster John Chaundler^
[folio iv]
Three leaves are wanting before this folio. The page is-
headed —
The pe de grewe he reyght lyne
Fownd and prewyd by anerytaunce
How Kynge Herry the Sexyth nowght coleyne
Ts trewe Kynge of Fraunce,
But no pedigree follows.
10. Aseure two crossed fish jjy/i;jyr with crowns of gold, [The
Stockfish MONGERS of London.]
1 1 . Six pieces and goulys with three pyneapplys of
gold in the gules.
12. Party cheveronwise battled gold and aseure with three
eglys countyrcolorys after the felde [John Derby, a sheriff'
of London in 1446].
N
90
THE ANCESTOR
3. Party cheveronwise battled gold and sahyll with three
eglys contyrcolorys. [Possibly for Sir William Taylor,
Lord Mayor in 141 1. His arms are generally given
as gold with a dance sable between three eagles sable.]
4. Party syhyr and aseur with two couching lions contyrcolorys,
[Probably the shield of William Gregory, Lord
Mayor of London in 1451, whose arms are generally
given with the two lions rampant back to back, as in
Harl. MS. 1349.]
5. Party bendwise, or 'embelif ' sylvyr and sahyll with a lion
contyrcolorys enbelyfe after the felde. Rote.
6. Silver a pile bo tony sable and thereon a lily flower silver
with stalk and leaves.
7. Six pieces gold and azure with three flour dlys of sylvyr in
the azure, pieces.
8. Party bendwise azure and silver an eagle enhelyf contyr
colorys armyd gold, [} Blakenhale.]
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 191
19. Paly battled silver and gules.
20. Six pieces azure and silver with three dowys with sprigs in
their beaks in the azure pieces. [Above the shield is
written, in a later hand. Tallow Chandlers. These
arms were granted in 1456.]
2 1 . Gyronny of six pieces azure and silver with three birds in
the silver pieces. [The arms of William Stoker, who
died Lord Mayor in 1484, the year of the sweating
sickness, in which year were three Lord Mayors of
London. The birds should be popinjays.]
[folio 4 b]
22. Silver four bars azure with a lion gules crowned. Roy
DE Sypyr [Cyprus] the arms of lerewsalem qwartly
alL In the margin is a rough trick of the arms of
Jerusalem.
23. A herythe of asewre an ymage of sylvyr of seynt gorge. The
Kynge of Savastopolo.
24. A^crowned lion. Roy de Ermonye.
192 THE ANCESTOR
25. Azure three hulls of long ships of gold with dragon heads
of gules at prow and stern. Roy de Norrewaye.
26. A silver cross the first quarter being of gold with three
leopards azure, the second of azure with three golden
crowns, the third of silver with a griffon of gules and
the fourth of gules with a golden lion holding an axe.
On the cross is an escutcheon of gold with two leopards
azure. Roy de Dacye.
27. Gold a lion of gules — corrected in a note to a lion passant.
I'he armys of Brewte the fyrst that ever conqvjeryd
Tngelond.
28. Party gules and silver with two bends of silver in the
gules. Sir Lawncelot de Lake.
29. The feld wert with three golden griffons passant. Sir
Ga WAYNE the good knyght. Below this shield is another,
now half torn away, which is to be part Gawayne.
It bears sable fretty silver with a label gules.
30. Silver a wyvern wertt armyd gowlys, Uter Pendragon.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 193
[folio v]
3 1 . Gold a roundel sable and thereon a lion passant of silver
with a crown. The gentyll Sowdan.
32. ne feld of sabyll with a golden chalice and a tortose of
sylvyr. The Sowden of Babyloyne.
33. Azure a golden hare leaping. Roy de Tate.
[Here follow the arms of the three Kings of Cologne.]
34. Azure the waxing moon of gold with a golden molet
between her horns. Roy Jasper de Coloyne.
35. Azure seven golden molets. Roy Melcher de Coloyne.
36. A man clad in a coat girdled at the waist, having his legs
bare. He points with his right hand and in his left
hand he holds a lance with a pennon of a wyvern.
Roy Baltezer de Coloyne.
194
THE ANCESTOR
37. feld of aseure with a golden ship having the mast gold
and the sayle sylvyr. The Armys of Orkeney.
38. ^he feld aseure the griffon in the felde ramp and [tricked as
passant] all of golde, Roy de Gryffon.
39. Azure three golden lions' heads rased. Sir Gawayne
THE GENTYLL. [Over this name is written Roy de
Marroke.]
40. The torn shield at the foot of this folio is of silver with a
sable wyvern. The arm grasping the wyvern is clad in
gules barred with gold. A note explains that it impart
with the chaleySy that is to say, impaled with the chalice
coat of Babyloyne above described [No. 32].
[folio 5 b]
The IX WORTHY conqwerourys.
41. Sable two fighting lions of gold. Ector de Troye.
42. Gules a golden lion rampant sitting in a silver chair and
holding an axe of azure. Alyxaundyr Magnus.
43. Gules a two headed eagle sable. Julyus Sesare.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 195
44. Azure a harp of gold. Roy Davyth.
45. Lozengy silver and gules with a wyvern sable. Dewke
JOSEWE.
46. Gold two corny sch chowys with beke and fet rede. Judas
Machabeus.
47. Gules three golden crowns palewise. Roy Arthur.
48. The old coat of France dimidiated with the emperor's
coat of the two headed eagle. Roy Charlemayne.
The eagle side has a note saying thys syde before,
49. A jumbled trick which is evidently meant for the coat of
Jerusalem dimidiated with a coat of gules with a golden
escarbocle. Godffray de Bolloyne.
196
THE ANCESTOR
[folio 6 b]
50. Gules a silver column bound about with a cord and
crowned with a golden crown. The Pope of Roome,
Martyne de Columnis.^
51. Azure the figure of Christ nailed upon a golden cross.
pRESTER John.
52. Gold an eagle sable. Emperowre of Rome et de
Almayne.
53. Gold a cross gules between four fire-steels gules. The
Emperowre of Costantyne le Noblle and of Grace.
54. Silver a cross potent between four like crosses all of gold.
Roy de Jereusalem.
55. Azure three fleurs de lys of gold. Roy de Fraunce.
1 Martin V. (Otho Colonna) 1417-24.
1
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 197
56. France quartered with England. Roye de Engletare et
DE Fraunce.
57. Gules a golden castle [for Castile] quartering silver a lion
porpyll [for Leon]. Roy de Spayne et de Castyle.
58. Paly gold and gules of ten pieces Roy de Arragon et de
Cescyle. a note is added — but iiij paly of gowlys and
the feld of gowlys.
[folio 6 b]
59. Silver five escutcheons of azure set crosswise each with
five roundels of silver, the bordewr goulys with the cas-
telys gold. The artist seems to have abandoned his
thought of setting the five escutcheons upon a cross
paty of vert. Roy de Portyngale.
60. Gules the Navarrese net of golden chains quartering Old
France with a bend silver and gules gobony. Roy de
Navarrene.
61. (Silver ?) a lion (gules i^) with a golden crown. Roy de
Beaume.
198
THE ANCESTOR
62. Silver three bars gules impaled with the old coat of France
Roy de Hongerye.
63. Gules a kynge on horsse hakke silver. Roy de Poyle.
64. The old coat of France with a label gules, impaled with
Jerusalem. Roy de Naplys.
65. Party saltirewise — the chief and foot gold with nij palys
of gowlys and the flanking pieces each silver with an
eagle sable with a golden crown. Roy de Cescyle the
OLDE.
66. Six pieces, the first barry silver and gules but of vj pecys^
although tricked as three bars gules [Sicily], the second
with the old coat of France and a label gules [Naples],
the third with the arms of Jerusalem, the fourth with
the old coat of France and a bordure gules [Anjou], the
fifth azure crusilly gold and two golden barbel back to
back [Bar], the sixth gold with three eagles of silver
on a bend gules [Lorraine], Roy de Cescyle, Dewke
de Angoye.
67. 'The feld of gold the do why II tressore flour te all gowlys the lyone
of the same, Roy de Scottys.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 199
[folio 7]
'The lordys that bene past here afore tyme,
68. Azure a cross paty gold and five merlettys gold. Roy
Edward Sc.
69. Silver a cross gules. Seynt Gorge.
70. Gules three lions passant [sic] of gold. [Seynt . . .
Kynge struck out] Kyng of Ingland.
71. England with a label of France. Dewke of Lancastyr.
72. France and England with a border of azure and ermine
gobony. Dewke of Excestre— Bewfort.
73. Azure a bend and two cotises of . . . between six lyonys
golde^ with three pierced molets on the bend. Erle of
Herfforde [corrected in a later hand to Northeham-
ton].
200
THE ANCESTOR
74. Gold three leopards azure. Roy de Denmarke.
75. The armys of Tngelond the hordore sylvyr and the flowrdelyes
of golde, Erle of Hontyngeton. The coat and
name are struck through by a later pen.
76. Gold and asewre checche, Erle of Warreyne.
At the foot of this folio is a rough trick of the arms of
Edward the Confessor impaled with France and England
— Edward Yngelond.
[folio 7 b]
77. Gold and aseure cheche with a cheveron ermine. Erle of
Warrewyke, Sir Gye.
78. Silver a chief gules with three roses countercoloured.
Erle of Hampton, Sir Bewys.
79. Azure three bars gold and a chief of gold with three
pales and two gyrons of azure with an escutcheon of
silver over all. Erle of Marche.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 201
80. Gold a cross gules. Erle of Ulstyr.
8 1 . Azure three open harnaklys of golde and a chief ermine
with a demi lion gules. Erle of Genewyle.
82. Gules a lion gold [Fitzalan] quartered with golde and
aseure checche [Warenne]. Erle of Arrondell.
83. Silver a lion gules with a crown, the bordore sahyll hesaunte
of golde, Erle of Cornewayle.
84. Gold a lyone of purpulL Erle of Lyncolne.
85. Sylvyr and aseure berk with an orle of vij or ix merlettys
gowlys [Valence].
202
THE ANCESTOR
^^^^^^^^
[folio 8]
86. Gules a lion silver armyd aseure, Erle Marchal
Mowbray.
87. Gules a fesse gold and six crosslets gold, with a crescent
sable on the fesse. Erle of Woscestre.
88. Paly silver and vert [in a later hand vair and gules] a
chief gold with an eagle . . . Erle of Penbroke,
Sir Frauncys de Cortetyngem ^. [corrected in a later
hand to Erle of Mortayne and Boloigne].
89. Gold and wert party a lion gules. Bygot duke [sic] of
North efolk. At the side of this shield is a rough
trick of a shield with a 'gurge.'
90. Gules a cross paty of sylvyr and asewre werre. Count de
Amarle.
9 1 . Silver a lion sable with a border of sable [^ azure ' in a
later hand]. The Lord Burnell.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 203
Bewforde.
93. France and England with a hordore syhyr with lyonys
purpull. Count de Cambrygge.
94. Silver a fesse indented gules of three feselys [Montague]
quartered with gold an eagle vert [Mahermer]. Count
DE Salysbery, Mountegew.
[folio 8 b]
95. Golde and aseure cheche with a quarter ermine and a border
gules. Cownd de Rychemonde.
96. Gold three bars gules. [Lo : Harcourt in a later hand.]
97. Barry gold and gules with three roundels gules in the
chief. Lord Wake.
204
THE ANCESTOR
98. Gules a lion silver with a forked taylL Count de
Leycestyr.
99. Sylvyr and aseure werre a fesse gules. Lord Mermyon.
100. Azure three sheaves of gold. Count de Chestyr.
10 1. Silver a bend gules and six martlets gules. Lord
Fornywale.
102. Party ermine [altered in a later hand to silver] and gules
indented. Count de Leycestyr [altered in a later
hand to Simon Sentlez, Count de Huntington].
103. Gold three cheverons gules with a label azure. Cownt
de Clare. Sir Gylbert [in a later hand E : Gloster].
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 205
[folio 9]
Thes heth the vij kyn^s that dzvellydyn Tngelond attonys.
104. A cross between four lions. Seynt Oswalde. Roy de
NORTHWMBERLONDE.
105. Gules three knives or seaxes of silver with golden hafts,
Roy de Kent.
106. Gules [blank]. Roy de Essex
107. Azure three trefoils silver. Roy de Sowthsex.
108. Silver three crowns gules. Roy de North folke.
109. Azure three crowns silver. Roy de Marchelond.
Lyncollchyre.
o
o6 THE ANCESTOR
10. Gold a cheveron gules. Count de Stafforde.
1 1 . Gold fretty sable and a chief sable with three bezants.
Lord Seinctamount.
12. Gold three piles gules with a quarter ermine [Basset].
Here he vj of the kyngys that dwelled all att oo tyme yn Tngelonde
And Seynt Edzvardys armys was the sevynth.
[folio 9 b]
13. Azure a cross paty gold between four lions gold.
Sanctus Cutbertus episcopus.
14. Purpull a cross gold between four lions gold. Sanctus
OSWALDUS.
15. Azure with the device of the Trinity in silver. Sent
Myhell armys.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 207
116. Silver iij corny sch chowys impaled with azure a pall
silver charged with five crosses formy fitchy [Canter-
bury]. Sainct Thomas of Caunterbery.
117. Azure a cross paty gold between four lyonseus of sylver,
Sainct Cuthberd of Derham.
118. Gold seven voided lozenges of gules. Sainct W. of
YORKE.
119. Gules three fleurs de lys out of leopards' heads gold.
Sainct Thomas of Herforde. De Canthilupo.
120. Azure a bend gold with a label of silver. Mayster
SCROPE, BUYSCHOPPE OF YoRKE.
121. Silver a bend sable with a crescent in the chief, quartered
with gules fretty gold.^ Byschoppe Spenser of
NoRWYCHE
^ In this shield we see an early example of the tendency of the fretty
figure in the decadence of armorial art to assume the form of a voided lozenge
laced with a saltire.
2o8 THE ANCESTOR
[folio lo]
122. Azure three crowns gold. Sainct Edmond Kynge of
Yngelond of olde tyme.
123. Sylver iij rayndere hedys all of sahylL Mayster Bowet,
Byschopp of Yorke [Archbishop of York 1407—
1423]-
1 24. Sabyll iij assys passans of sylvyr. Mayster W. Askewe,
Byschoppe of Salysbery.
125. Silver a wave sable between three hares' heads gold.
Byschoppe Harrewell [Bishop of Bath and Wells
1369-1386].
126. Azure a cross formy parted silver and gules (the field
would seem to be parted by an error of the draughts-
man). Seynt Tomas of Akerys.
127. Silver a lion sable and a chief sable with two couples of
silver keys. The Abbey of Hyde yn Wynchestyr.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 209
128. Azure a crosier gold between iij coychonys of the armys of
March with the fauce coychon of gowlys. Abbot of
Thornton — Cortays.
129. Sable three silver swans.
130. Silver seven voided lozenges gules. Byschoppe of
London.^
[fo. 10 b]
ni. Gold a cross sable engrailed. Lord of Offord.
132. Party silver and azure indented. Fytzgerod.
133. Ermyne a chief gules indented. Count de Mortayne.
1 Robert Bray broke. Bishop of London [i 382-1404], bore these arms
within a border, as appears by his seal.
2IO
THE ANCESTOR
134. Vairy gold and azure. Lord of Gynes.^
135. Paly gules and vair (of ten pieces) with a chief gold and
a label azure. Count de Sent Poule.
136. Paly gold and gules (probably for ten pieces). Count
DE Provense.
1 (
1/
It t tl
137. Gules three pales vair with a chief gold [a later hand has
made a rough trick of an eagle on the chief, and
headed the shield Comes Bloys].
138. Silver six crosslets sable fitchy with a chief azure and two
pierced molets of gold on the chief. Count de
HONTINGTON.
139. Silver two bars azure with a quarter azure and a pierced
cinqfoil of gold on the quarter. Ratherfeld Pyp-
PARD.
1 The form of the vair shows that the coat was taken from an early
version.
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 211
□ 0 D
\\//
1
140. Azure billety gold with a dance of gold. Lord Den-
CORTE.
141. Silver two cheverons gules [Seymour] quartered with a
saltire charged with a crescent [Nevill], Lord
Saymer, Newyll.
142. Wert a lyone of gold [Robessart] quartered with silver a
cross gules engrailed between iiij boyschys of sabyll
[Bovrchier]. Lord Bowrcher, Robsarde.
143. Sabyll a fret of gola. Lord Matreweres.
144. Golde a bend sabyll. Lord Mauley [altered from
Waste NEYs].
145- Quarterly gules and silver with an eagle of gold in the
quarter [Philip] quartered with azure three pierced
cinqfoils gold [Bardolf]. Lord Bardolffe. Sir
Wylyam Phelype [died 144 1].
THE ANCESTOR
146. Vairy gold and gules and a border azure with horse
shoes silver. Ferrers.
147. Gyronny gold and azure (of twelve pieces) with a
quarter ermine.
148. Paly silver and azure with a bend gules and three golden
escallops on the bend. Lord Graunsoun.
DiJDUDUDllDil
DD DDDOh
1^
>1
X
DD □QdI
\ D 0 □ D /\
\n n □/
149. Azure three gimel bars gold and a chief gold. Lord
Menell.
1 50. Gold with billets sable and a label gules.
151. Paly silver and azure and a chief gold with three
martlets gules [in a later hand, Morten],
FIFTEENTH CENTURY ARMS 213
52. Azure a bend silver with cotises gold and six lioncels
gold and three pierced molets gules on the bend.
Count de Worcestre [a later hand has struck out
the name and written Wylliam Bohoun, Erle of
Norhamton].
53. England with a silver border. Count de Kent.
54. Gold three escutcheons each with the arms of vair three
bars gules [in a later hand Lo : Mount Hermer].^
55. Lozengy sable and gold [but described as gold fret of
sabyir\ a quarter gules with a lion passant silver.
56. Vair four bars gules [in a late hand Coucy Earle of
Bedford].
57. Gules crusilly gold with a cheveron gold. Count de
Kyme.
\fro be continued.']
^ This is evidently a Monchensy coat.
I
214 THE ANCESTOR
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES
III. THE SHIRLEYS
THE ancient house of Shirley has been fortunate in breed-
ing two genealogists of its name and blood. Sir Thomas
Shirley, a cadet of the house, knighted in 1622 by that great
maker of knights, King James I., left behind him no less than
three histories of his ancestors, which survive as curiosities of
genealog)^, having been set aside by the book of the late Mr.
Evelyn Shirley of Ettington, one of the first family histories
to be written in the spirit of critical inquiry which is to-day
demanded of the genealogist.
A modern genealogist, whose traditional pedigree begins
with an ancestor seated at the time of Domesday upon lands
which his descendants enjoy in the reign of Edward VII.,
might well unroll his many-shielded pedigree with pious un-
easiness, knowing how many and how stately were the three-
decker legends which have foundered of late years in the
open sea that bore them up so surely in Elizabeth's day and
Dethick's. But for Mr. Shirley there was no skeleton in the
deed chest. He spread out and arranged his charters and
muniments, his deeds and evidences of the ancient Shirleys,
and generation locked itself surely to generation, Shirley to
Shirley, till there was no link but was strained and proved
from Evelyn Philip Shirley of Ettington to Sewal who held
Ettington when the Domesday commissioners were on their
travels.
Sewal of Ettington, the founder of this enduring line,
was a sub-tenant of the house of Ferrers, under whom he
held broad lands in six lordships, whereof Ettington alone
remains with his descendants. Of the origin of Sewal nothing
is known, but something may be guessed at and much has
been asserted. L^pon his unfamiliar name many theories have
been built. Says Dugdale, ' Of this Sasuualo, whose name
argues him to be of the old English stock, as some think, I
have not much to say, considering that we have so little light
of History, and nothing of Record, for other discovery.'
Nowadays we are beginning to hope that History and Record
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES 215
may join hands to their advantage, but in Dugdale's time his
distinction was a just one. History of a sort has however
been busy with ' this Sasuualo/ and Dugdale aided the work
when he added to this very reasonable statement that by
SewaFs estate 'I must conclude him to have been no less
than a Thane in the Saxons time.'
There were those before and after Dugdale who were
willing to treat ' this Sasuualo ' in less gingerly fashion. Their
reasoning was simple enough. ' His name,' as Dugdale says,
' argues him to be of the old English stock ' ; and Dugdale's
cautious ' as some think ' is invariably omitted by those who
quote his statement. A landlord at the time of the general
survey, he must have been living before the Conquest — a great
thane then of Edward the Confessor ? The blessed Edward's
thane must not be insulted by the suspicion that he was a
new man, an upstart, therefore Ettington in the peerage of
the ingenious Mr. Collins and in its thousand descendants
is ' the seat of his ancestors, as there is reason to believe,
for many generations before.' The Shirleys, to quote Sir
Thomas Shirley, philarchismus^ 'are assured, by most re-
nowned recorders, worthy to be believed, that the first ances-
tors of this house have had the reputation and honour of a
most ancient Saxon line, flourishing in opulence and dignity
long before the Norman Conquest.' When the conjecture
founded upon Sewal's name has come to such glorious flower
as this, we feel positively ashamed of Dugdale's lukewarmness.
But a name may sound oddly in an antiquary's ears with-
out being of necessity from an Anglo-Saxon root. The case
for Sewal's ancestry shrinks woefully when we find that the
other Domesday Sewal is an outlandish man, a tenant of the
Mandevilles. And Sewal, although to seek in Anglo-Saxon
red books, is found easily enough the other side the Channel.
In Flanders, for example, the name is discovered twice amongst
the castellans of Lisle. And Domesday evidence is clear
enough upon the point. Sewal holds lands here and there in
four counties, but in each case he holds them of Ferrers, and
in each case he is in the shoes of different gentlemen, whose
names ' argue them to be of the old English stock.' We see
in fact that in half a dozen places where the Norman Ferrers
has taken seisin of English land in his mail mittens he has
put in as tenant a man of his own from oversea, and doubtless
one who in his time has struck a good blow for Ferrers.
2l6
THE ANCESTOR
It must not be supposed that a word of Mr. Evelyn
Shirley's was allowed to give countenance to the story of the
opulent and dignified thanes. Although it seems that Mr.
Shirley favoured the idea of an Anglo-Saxon origin for his
house, he was too careful and conscientious a student to give
any space to windy speculations ; but it seems that his learned
work has set no limit to them. Here we may quote the
letter of a gentleman, whose name argued him to be of the
old Shirley stock on the distaff side.
He had been roused to protest, be it understood, by a
printed statement attributed to the present writer that the
Shirley ancestor had ' come over with the Conqueror.' With
the easy confidence which marks the gendeman ^ who takes an
interest in genealogy,' he assured the writer that this was not
so. The Shirleys, he said, possessed amongst their papers
ample proof that their ancestors were possessed of Ettington
for many generations before the Conquest, and therefore, as
he added with a very precious modesty, must be reckoned one
of the oldest Anglo-Saxon families in England. Given his
premises we should have been tempted to go further, for it is
certainly startling news that other descendants of opulent
thanes survive to match ancestors with Sewal's many fore-
fathers. Modesty was in the body of this letter, but a sting
lurked in the postscript. ' It appears,' said the letter writer,
' that there are people nowadays who want to reduce all
these things to a common level I ' That envious criticism
should endeavour to fix the ^ common level ' of English pedi-
grees at the conquest of England is an idea at which a duke
of Ouidas creation might stand aghast. The ghosts of Dethick
and Cooke would receive it gasping.
Sewal's son Fulcher left two sons — Henry and another
Sewal to whom his brother sold his birthright in Ettington.
Henry's descendants setded at Ireton and became Iretons of
that ilk, and, to the outspoken horror of Henry's nephew
many times removed, the loyal Mr. Evelyn Shirley, pro-
duced at last that very wicked man Henry Ireton, Lord
Deputy of Ireland under Oliver, who clenched his bargain
with Satan by marrying Oliver's own daughter.
Sewal brother of Henry is the first of the house of Etting-
ton who appears at Shirley in Derbyshire, and Sir Thomas
Shirley credits him with a seal of arms of the paly coat which
is the first armorial bearing of the family. But the evidence
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES 217
of Philarchismus in the matter of early seals is hardly trust-
worthy. This Sewal's grandson, a knight styled Sewal de
Ettington, was more probably the first bearer of the shield
with the paly gold and sable.
Sewal of Ettington the grandson was succeeded by his
son and heir Sir James de Shirley, with whom the new sur-
name of the family begins. His son Ralf *s shield, pake de or
e de sabky is recorded amongst the blazons in the great roll of
arms compiled in the beginning of the fourteenth century,^
but in 1 3 1 1 ^ he seals with the addition of an ermine quarter
to his shield. He died in the last year of Edward II., leaving
Thomas his son and heir, who is hailed by his descendants as
* the great founder ' of the line. He made a great match
with Isabel Basset, sister and sole heir to Ralf, the last Lord
Basset of Drayton. The will of this Lord Basset in 1389 is
said to have provided for the taking of the name and arms of
Basset by Hugh Shirley, son and heir of Thomas and Isabel,
but neither names nor arms were changed by the Shirleys.
The Wars of the Roses left the Shirleys, who were
marrying the great estate of Staunton Harald in Leicestershire,
undisturbed in Ettington and their other lands and house.
Staunton Harald became their main seat, and Ralph Shirley
by his conduct on the field of Stoke in 1487 strengthened
the family interest with the new dynasty. The fourth baronet
of King James's creation was Sir George Shirley of Staunton
Harald, who begat amongst other sons Thomas Philarchismus^
the first Shirley genealogist. Whilst the senior line of Sewal
was rising in the person of Major-General Ireton, Sir Robert
Shirley of Staunton, a stout cavalier, was dying a prisoner in
the Tower of London, notwithstanding that his mother was
sister to Devereux, Earl of Essex, the general for the parlia-
ment. The cavalier's younger son, who became at last the
heir of the family, was Robert Shirley, in whose favour the
king ended the abeyance of the barony of Ferrers of Chartley,
and in 1 7 1 1 the descendant of Henry Ferrers's Domesday
tenant became Viscount Tamworth and Earl Ferrers. To
George Shirley, a captain in the Foot Guards and a younger
son by a second marriage, the first earl, his father, gave the
historic estate of Lower Ettington, which is now enjoyed by
his descendant Mr. Sewallis Evelyn Shirley of Ettington
Park, son of the celebrated genealogist.
^ Cotton MS. * Caligula/ A. xviii. ^ pfr^//^ Chart, ix. 20.
2l8
THE ANCESTOR
The arms of Shirley — paly gold and azure with an ermine
quarter — present some difficulty to the student of such mat-
ters. They are said to be a Clinton coat assumed on the
marriage of Henry, son of Sewal, who died about 1165, with
Joan, daughter and heir of John de Clinton, but the date of
the marriage makes this impossible, although Clintons are
found in Warwickshire at a later date with similar bearings.
Shirley's own coat, borne by Henry's great-grandson, was
paly gold and sable, but this same great-grandson, as we have
before pointed out, seems at the last to have adopted the coat
with the ermine quarter. However derived it comes in the
end, most probably, from some variant of the arms of the
great house of Basset, and the will of the Lord Basset con-
cerning his arms was thus unconsciously half fulfilled by his
Shirley kinsfolk. To the old coat of paly gold and sable one
heroic legend at least may be traced. Gazing at it sidelong, a
Shirley pedigree maker caught suddenly its resemblance in
that position to the field of a shield well known in Europe,
and Sewal of Domesday became for the discoverer ' a noble
Saxon, issuing from the royal dukes of Saxony, and bearer
of the imperial standard.' ^
IV. THE CARTERETS
If in our survey of the ancient English houses we are al-
lowed to include those loyal vassals of the English crown,
the islanders of the Channel, we add at least one house of
high antiquity and distinction to our golden book of no-
bility. The house of Carteret came to an English peerage in
the person of Sir George Carteret who married the grand-
daughter of Sir Bevill Granville the cavalier, the famous Sir
Richard's famous son. John de Carteret, the son of this
marriage, commemorated his descent in the title of his new
earldom of Granville, but his son the last Carteret so entitled
died in 1775 leaving no issue. Although the older and more
famous line died with him, Jersey was not left without its
Carterets, many descendants remaining of the lines which
trace to Philip de Carteret, the Seigneur of St. Ouen, who
died in 1 500 and may be taken for the patriarch of all recog-
nized Carterets of the old stock.
^ MS. Reg. K. i. 279.
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES
219
It is natural that so ancient a house should have its pedi-
gree makers. A great pedigree was drawn out in 1641 and
another was entered by Sir George Carteret at the Heralds*
College about 1668, the earlier one, which is now in the pos-
session of Mr. Pierre John de Carteret, being accompanied by
voluminous notes. A history of the family was also con-
structed by the ingenious Mr. Collins, the maker of peerage
books, and invaluable collections of records relating to the
family have been compiled for those excellent publications
wherein the Societe Jersiaise have done so much to preserve
and illustrate the genealogy and history of the islanders and
their islands.
A stem-father, as the Germans have it, is found for the
race in one Guy, lord of Carteret, called I'Oiseleur or the
Fowler, who is said to have died in 1004 leaving William
who died without issue and Godfrey who carried on the line
and founded the Abbey of Fontenelles. For these three
personages we have at present no evidence before us save the
statements in the seventeenth century pedigrees, to which
documents the two schools of genealogists attach differing
degrees of authority.
Should we desire to derive our Carterets after the estab-
lished custom from the companions of the Conqueror, ancestral
names will not be to seek, for the Roman de Rou gives us
choice of two possible ancestors,
de Cartrai Onfrei et Mangier
ki estoit novel chevalier.
One of these bold riders at least survives the field of
Hastings, for Malger de Cartrai at the time of the Domesday
Survey holds several manors in the west country under the
Count of Mortain. Humfrey de Carteret is given us by the
early pedigrees as a benefactor of Fontenelle and a father to
Renaud de Carteret, from whom we may safely allow our
Carterets to descend.
For this house as for all others of Norman origin evi-
dences must be sought amongst those documents in France
which Mr. Horace Round has calendared and described for
our national series of record calendars.^
Thus we may begin with a charter of Renaud de Carteret
in 1 125. For the weal of his soul and of the souls of those
^ Calendar of Documents in France, 918-1206, edited by J. Horace Round.
220
THE ANCESTOR
before him he gives to Mont St. Michel and its monks the
church of St. Germain of Carteret with the tithe of the whole
parish and with the land of the king's alms belonging to St.
Germain in Jersey and with the tithe of the goods of his
house. Du Moulin gives the name of Renaud de Carteret
amongst the names of the knights who followed Robert
Curthose and Godfrey of Bouillon to Holy Land, but his
authority is weakened by his adding to the statement that
Renaud bore a shield ' de gueules a une fesse fusilee d'argent
accompagnee d'un lambel d'azur/ which, on looking at the
date, we may deny out of hand.
His son Philip, ' being led astray by the counsel of wicked
men,' took away so far as he could the gift which his father
had made, but St. Michael was a powerful neighbour and one
with whom the Seigneur of Carteret soon found it better to
live in peace. Therefore we find Philip repenting and asking
with a contrite heart God's pardon and St. Michael's, not
forgetting that of the Abbot Bernard and his chapter. At a
date between 1135 and 1149 he came to Mont St. Michel
with his mother Lucy, his brethren Humfrey and Geoffrey,
and with certain of his men, and there he restored in full
chapter his father's endowment, adding to it the tithe of his
mills, two sites in Jersey outside his court, one site at Carteret,
and all the endowment of St. Germain. Also he abolished
the evil custom whereby tithe grain was stored in his own
court where the said grain lessened in bulk. The Abbot
Bernard, joyfully receiving back the sinful Seigneur, gave to
him seven pounds in new money of Rouen, and to the said
Lucy a bezant of gold. Humfrey was made happy with a
hawk of the abbot's gift and Geoffrey with certain wine-
skins.
Two more charters in the same collection have to do with
Philip the repentant. In 11 56 he gives to Mont St. Michel
the church of St. Ouen and the chapel of St. Marie in Jersey.
In 1 168 he confirms to the monks of St. Michel the endowments
in Jersey which he and his forefathers have given them, for
which confirmation the monks agree that Philip and his house
shall have the right to seek admission to the monastery for one
of their kin in succession for evermore, if the kinsman shall
be a clerk or a knight or a worthy person, and that when Philip
or his successors shall visit the mount they shall be entertained
for one night as brethren. This confirmation is witnessed and
OUR OLDEST FAMILIES 221
allowed by Nichole, Philip's wife, and by Renaud and William,
his son and nephew.
Philip is followed by Renaud his son, who, like him, is
Seigneur of Carteret and St. Ouen, and who confirms by a
dateless charter in the same collection a gift of land in the
vale of La Mare, which his father and he had made to the
church and canons of St. Heliers.
Renaud de Carteret, son of this last Renaud, is named for
collector of the aid levied in the fifth year of King John upon
the lords of the fiefs in the islands, and when in his ninth year
the same king demands hostages for their fealty from the chief
men of the islands, Renaud gave up Philip, his son and heir,
who was thereupon committed to the custody of his uncle
Richard, who was on the mainland, and being or having been
constable of the king's castle of Winchester was known to be
well affected. In 1208 Renaud had a letter of protection, and
in 12 13 Philip the hostage was given up to Philip Daubeney,
the governor of the islands. Thus far we may trace the his-
tory of this Renaud from the extracts now in print from the
Close Rolls and Patent Rolls of King John. We may add
that when the king loses Normandy, Renaud de Carteret loses
Carteret and his other lordships in the duchy, but Carteret is
. now firmly established as the family surname.
From Philip the hostage ample evidence is found for tracing
the Carterets of the elder and younger lines, for the history of
Jersey is the history of a family which held all its chief offices
as it were by hereditary prescription. Amongst the wardens,
baillys and jurats of the island the Carterets are foremost.
Like the loyal Jerseymen that they were, they fought the
French and held stoutly by the English king's cause. A
Reynaud de Carteret, Seigneur of St. Ouen, defended Mont
Orgeuil Castle against the great du Guesclin, when legend has
it that he and his seven sons were made knights in one day.
Philip, his descendant, drove the French from the islands
when the lieutenant of the seneschal of Normandy had seized
Mont Orgeuil. This Philip's son, another Philip, was married
to Margaret, the daughter and sole heir of Sir Richard Harlis-
ton, the governor of Jersey, and from the twenty sons of this
wedding spring the many lines of Carteret.
Edward, the eldest surviving son, carried on the line of
Carteret, Seigneurs of St. Ouen, and afterwards Seigneurs also
of the island of Serk, which they had as a fief by grant of
p
222
THE ANCESTOR
Queen Elizabeth in 1565. From this Edward came the
Carterets — knights, baronets and earls, who ended in 1775
with Robert de Carteret, second Earl of Granville, Viscount
and Lord Carteret, and more than all — Seigneur of St. Ouen
— which historic fief then passed from the family of Carteret
to his distant kinswoman, Jane le Maistre, wife of Elias le
Maistre, who thus became lady of the fief.
From Richard, the second surviving son of Philip and
Margaret, came the Carterets of Vincheles, and from Peter,
one of the many younger sons, the Carterets of St. Brelade,
from whom comes Pierre- John de Carteret, now living, the
genealogist of his family, to whose labours we are indebted
for the notes which enable us to record the house of Carteret
as one which can show a line of male descent from an ancestor
living in the eleventh century.
THE GENEALOGY OF THE GIFFARDS^
AMONGST the few county societies which are doing good
work in collecting and arranging the mass of record
abstracts which must go to the making of county and family
history upon the great scale the William Salt Society takes a
high place. In the work of that Society General Wrottesley's
share has been so great a one that one is tempted to treat the
Society's style as little more than the modest pseudonym of an
antiquary as laborious as enthusiastic.
General Wrottesley's last contribution to the publications
of the William Salt Society has been a history of an ancient
Staffordshire house nearly allied to his own — the Giifards of
Chillington — a family which is said to be figured in by Sir
Walter Scott in the hard riding brood of Squire Osbaldi-
stone.
In the undertaking of this work General Wrottesley,
finding his note books filling with GiiFards from the four
quarters of the country to which this once numerous house
scattered its cadets, decided to give other genealogists the
advantage of his labours. Therefore he has set before his
history of Giffard of Chillington an account of the rise of the
Giifards and notes of the many branches claiming kinship with
the main stock.
The great place which the GifFards take in English family
history may be reckoned by the fact that no less than two-and-
thirty houses of barons, knights, and squires are described by
General Wrottesley as having pretensions to a common des-
cent. With such a name as GifFard,^ a mere epithet name
after the fashion of so many Norman patronymics, and with
houses whose very shields of arms show bearings as widely
unlike as the three passant lions of GifFard of Brimsfield, the
three stirrups of GiflFard of Chillington, and the indented
fesse of the west country branches, we should at the outset
look with suspicion upon any attempt to range all bearers of
the name of GifFard as kinsmen one to another. Yet it may
^ The Giffardsy by Major General the Hon. George Wrottesley. Re-
printed from the proceedings of the Wm. Salt Society, 1902.
2 GifFard, as General Wrottesley omits to point out, is obsolete French for
joufflu which signifies chubby-cheeked ; hardly so coarse an epithet as that
which Pauncefote carries.
224
THE ANCESTOR
be said that General Wrottesley, without unduly straining
probabilities, has done much to show that for the most part
GifFard was Giffard's cousin all England over, and in Scotland
and Ireland to boot.
In GifFard we have that black swan of genealogy, the
Conquest family. Here is no need of dead reckoning of dates
to show that an ancestor may have been living in that great
year of 1066, and therefore may well have come over under
William's blessed banner. Walter Giffard, the leader of the
GifFards into England, is no obscure man-at-arms to whom the
name and a tentative date are for all memorial. He crosses
the water with thirty ships and a hundred men-at-arms in his
following, and at Hastings he would have borne the gonfanon
of Normandy had he not pleaded his ' white and bald head *
and short breath as excuse for the service. His deeds are
sung by poets and chronicled by historians. He founds a
house of earls, and his grandson is marshal of England, and
although his right line ends with this grandson, other GifFards
of his kin have flourished in his shadow, founding houses
some of which have endured to this day. A great lord him-
self, he was the son of a great lord of Normandy Osbern de
Bolebec, whose Norse name of Osbern speaks of the origin of
the stock. Osbern had wrought well for his family fortunes
by marrying Aveline, a sister of Gunnor, one of those fair
ladies, half wife and half concubine, from whom the Dukes of
Normandy of Rolf 's line were wont to raise up to themselves
heirs.
The genealogist is wont to plead as excuse for his harmless
folly that his labours go to make sound bricks for the historian
to lay. Here at least in the long list of famous GifFards we
may find justification for the plea. Three times a GifFard has
been Chancellor of England, and a fourth sits to-day upon the
woolsack, in whose person the family again enjoys an earldom,
seven hundred years and more after the extinction of the
Buckinghamshire dignity. A GifFard was a Domesday com-
missioner ; another, the son of a Constable of the Tower, was a
famous crusader. A GifFard was a justiciary under Henry IL,
and another a chief justice of England under George IV.
Archbishoprics and bishoprics have been theirs, at home and
abroad, William GifFard, an English Jesuit, coming in the end
to be Archbishop of Rheims, and even, according to a received
story, duke and peer of France. They were stout fighters in
GENEALOGY OF THE GIFFARDS 225
France and Scotland, and the GiiFards of the Chillington line,
being papists, bred at least one dangerous plotter whose
abilities for mischief were testified to by Walsingham himself
with a ' God's death ! never man has been so near cheating
me as Giifard.'
In the case of the main line of GiiFard of Chillington
General Wrottesley's notes are amplified to the space of a
detailed family history. Chillington came to Peter GifFard,
who had served under Strongbow in Ireland, by deed of Peter
Corbuson, whose wife was probably Peter GifFard's father's
sister, and Peter Corbuson was grandson of William Corbuson
the Domesday tenant of Chillington. For the origin of these
Staffordshire GifFards the names of the witnesses to the three
earliest of their Chillington deeds are produced, amongst whom
are to be found six Giffards, five of whom General Wrottesley
shows to have been members of the family of GifFard, barons
of Fonthill in Wiltshire. The value of shields of arms in
dealing with questions of early genealogy is aptly shown when
one seeks for a reason why GifFard of Chillington should bear
three stirrups with their leathers for arms, a bearing widely
differing from that of any other house of their name. It will
be seen at once that this is a version of the famous coat of
the Scudamores. In the Liber Niger a Walter GifFard is
recorded as holding one of Godfrey Scudamore's four knight's
fees in Wiltshire. Scudamore was a near neighbour of GifFard
of Fonthill, and Peter, the name borne by the first three
GifFards of Chillington, is a Scudamore name. Here we have
reasonable evidence of the origin of the GifFard shield with the
stirrups, and at the same time additional strength is given to
General Wrottesley's suggested origin of the house of Chil-
lington. Whether the arms were assumed by reason of kin-
ship or as the coat of an overlord is unascertainable.
The story of the GifFards of Chillington is that of many an
English family of knights and squires. That they are still
GifFards of Chillington marks them out from among their
neighbours. They obey the king's writs and follow the king's
service in Wales, Scotland and France. Their banner of the
three stirrups is displayed by a younger brother at Borough-
bridge, and Sir John GifFard carries the banner of England in
the campaign of the Spurs. They meet Anne of Cleves on
Shooters' Hill and go in gay coats to the field of Cloth of
Gold. They take the King's (Edward's) side against his barons
226 THE ANCESTOR
and against their own kinsmen of Brimsfield and Weston-
under-Edge. They defend their title in their lands of Chil-
lington against the bishop their overlord and against the
Corbusons, descendants of the Domesday tenant, and they
brawl with their neighbours in the bloody fashion which the
plea rolls make familiar to us.
In 1585 Chillington escapes a wider fame through the
deficiencies of its brewhouse. Its brewhouse will only brew
one tun at a time, and so, in days when beer was reckoned
necessary as air and light, Mary the Queen of Scots cannot be
bestowed at Chillington. ' I pray you,' writes the stern Sir
Amias Poulett to Walsingham with fervent insistence, ' con-
sider effectually of the brewhowse, because yt is a matter which
importeth greatly and yt passeth my understanding to fynd a
remedye for it.'
In the end the poor queen is packed off to Chartley. All
the misery of insufficient beer follows her there, and beer must
be bought for her at Burton. And in the full casks and the
empties which pass between Chartley and Burton go the
letters of the queen and Babington's plotters, who are all
unaware that each letter on its way yields up its secret to the
old fox Walsingham.
Giifard is indeed still GifFard of Chillington, but the tie ot
the men and their land has often been nigh sundering point.
For the John Giffard of Elizabeth's day gives his son to the
Jesuits of Donai and Amiens for education, and thereafter
follow a century of troubles, fines, imprisonments and exclu-
sions. Rich and fortunate marriages alone enable the line
to survive. It goes without saying that the loyal GifFards
are up for their king, and the ' bloudy tirant ' seizes the
GifFard lands, which must be redeemed at a high price. Need-
less also to add that his Majesty's most happy restoration
puts no spilt milk back into the old jug, and that although
Charles GifFard played a great part in his Majesty's most
blessed escape, sheltering him at most imminent risk of his
neck in his house of Whiteladies after Worcester field.
The heraldry of GifFard is of the utmost interest, and here
our national deficiency of reference works of armory is pitifully
illustrated by the fact that an antiquary of the calibre of
General Wrottesley is forced to gather his references from the
useful but wholly uncritical General Armory of the late Sir
Bernard Burke and from such a slipshod compilation as Mr.
GENEALOGY OF THE GIFFARDS 227
Foster's Some Feudal Coats of Arms^ the pretentious inaccuracy
of which was exposed in the first number of ^he Ancestor,
Of the curious group of shields borne by the various
branches of GifFard there is hardly one of which in its origin it
might be said ' this is GifFard's coat,' unless it be the three lions
passant of the Barons of Brimsfield. The Earls of Bucking-
ham of this family lived and died before the age of armorial
bearings. GifFard of Fonthill and Chillington, as we have
shown, bore a version of the Scudamore stirrups, and GifFard
of Weston-under-Edge bore a coat with red roundels, said to
have been derived from their ancestors the Cormeilles family.
General Wrottesley compares with this a coat in ' Planches
Roll ' of silver with three bezants on a fess sable, but this is
wrongly ascribed to ^ Cormale ' being a Cornwall coat, the
black fesse and bezants standing as it were for a piece of the
well-known Cornwall border. General Wrottesley seems to
attach too much importance to the fact of a seal {temp, Ric. I.)
of a GifFard of Fonthill bearing an ' escarboncle,' which charge
may safely be set down in such a case as nothing more than a
flowered shield boss.
In the shield of Osbert or Osbern GifFard {temp. Hen. III.)
we have a piece of early armory of the most interesting in its
composition. For this Osbert GifFard is no GifFard of General
Wrottesley's broods, unless by his mother, being a bastard of
King John of England. His arms are cited by the rolls as
ermine with two bars, or two gimel bars, of gules, and a chief
gules with a leopard of gold on the chief. His arms, says
General Wrottesley, ' are probably those of one of the heiresses
from whom he derived his lands.' But here General
Wrottesley misses the obvious suggestion of the chief and its
charge, for whatever may be the meaning of the ermine with
bars of gules, the chief proclaims itself a piece of the coat of
his royal father with one of the English leopards thereon, and
as an early example of bastard heraldry the whole shield is
worthy of study. The GifFards of Devonshire took to them-
selves arms with an indented fesse of three ermine fusils,
clearly founded upon the arms of the Dynhams from whom
many of their lands came. GifFard of Suffolk is credited with
a shield of silver crusilly gules with a lion gules — a Braose coat
to all appearance, and GifFard of Helland in Cornwall bore
azure with three fleurs de lys of silver, a coat of their Cante-
low kinsmen, *on each fleur de lys a pellet,' adds General
228 THE ANCESTOR
Wrottesley, but the pellet is an improbable charge in such a
position, and is probably a misreading of the knot of the fleur
de lys.
Although we have here in the form of a reprint only that
part of the last volume of the William Salt Society's pubJ^'^r' -
tionSj General Wrottesley has included that grateful thing, an
index. A good index too save that the GifFards occurring
in it are arranged in a tangled skein according to houses and
dates, and for them alone the index is all but useless and
unconsultable.
PERCY OF NORTHUMBERLAND'
WITH Mr. Gerald Brenan's House of Percy in hand, we
turn at once to compare his work with Sir Herbert
MaxwelFs House of Douglas^ the first of this series of histories
of great houses which are being issued under the editorship of
Mr. Lindsay, Windsor Herald.
Let it be said at once that in Mr. Gerald Brenan we find
an author of good skill, a writer fit to face the task — no light
one — of taking through two stout volumes the story of a
great ruling house without wearying his reader or losing the
main thread of his tale. Many will have found Sir Herbert
Maxwell's narrative a thought dry and didactic, a fault easily
excused in a chronicler ; but Mr. Gerald Brenan's book in-
vites no such reproach, for his story carries the reader with it,
and at times will move him in a way which our makers of the
modern historical romance, or novel in fancy dress, might well
mark and learn by. It is in our mind also that the picture
gallery of the Percys offers a more sympathetic line of ances-
tral faces than does that of the house of Douglas. The Percys
were hot in their anger and bloody in their warrings, and it
was written that they should more than once array the followers
of the silver crescent against' their liege lord ; but in their
history we miss that utter treachery, that wolfish cruelty
which makes the chronicle of the Douglases, black or red,
read like the dynastic story of a chief's house of the Solomon
Islands.
At the threshold of the book we meet, with the deepest
regret, an introductory notice by the editor, a scanty two-page
preface, in which Mr. Lindsay explains that he has had no
opportunity of conferring with Mr. Brenan, * with many of
whose opinions and remarks ' he ' cannot altogether agree.'
The crying need of Mr. Brenan's work is just such assistance
as Mr. Lindsay, a well-known authority on peerage law and
a * discreet and learned herald,' should have been able to
afford the author. Mr. Lindsay's opinion that the volumes
^ A History of the House of Percy, by Gerald Brenan, 2 vols. (Fremantle).
229
230
THE ANCESTOR
here offered are well arranged, well written and of great in-
terest is one which every buyer of the book will agree with ;
but the editor's further suggestion that by the book a new
light is thrown upon sixteenth century history, a light which
will show our ordinary history books for lying compilations
' written in the Protestant interest and to flatter the national
vanity,' is at least unfortunate. Nor does a careful reading
of Mr. Brenan's work indicate in any striking manner ' how
far worse and inexcusable was the Catholic persecution by
Protestants under Elizabeth and James than was that of
Protestants under Queen Mary.' The war which Elizabeth
and her ministers waged, with their backs to the wall, against a
religious policy which struck at the very independence of our
nation will find excusers in most Englishmen. The torture
and murder of men and women for the errors of their reli-
gious opinions is so essentially abhorrent a thing that we may
refuse to discuss its relative excusableness under one reign or
the other.
We have said that Mr. Brenan is a writer fit to take up
the tale which was left by the great ballad-singers of the north,
but there his fitness ends. For want of help from Mr.
Lindsay we must reckon him the bard of the Percys rather
than their true chronicler. His page is wounded with a score
of errors which an expert might have corrected with ' a mum
of his mouth.' The very names as we turn the leaves cry
out for revision. We have ' old Baron Richard ' and ' Baron
William,' as though it were the house of Rothschild we were
dealing with. We have the Lady Eleanor Plantagenet and
the Lady Margaret Plantagenet, names which Mr. Brenan
should surely know to have no existence outside the historical
novel. Ingelgram, a very clumsy version of Ingram, occurs
persistently ; and what can be said for Gilbert de Tesson and
Gilbert de Bassett. It would seem that Mr. Brenan, who
should know better, looks upon the de as a decorative prefix
for any high sounding surname.
The origin of the Percy sees the beginning of Mr.
Brenan's difficulties, which yet have seemed no difficulties to
him. He writes easily, gracefully and confidently on each
incident of the early history of the family. With a fine
affectation of the critical spirit Mr. Brenan refuses to ' pass *
the pedigree of the line from Mainfrea, who came out of
Denmark to Normandy ' before the advent c " Duke Rollo ' ;
Seal of Henry, Second Lord Percy.
Seal attributed to a Percy.
REVIEWS
but once we have William with the whiskers safely across
Channel any tale may have credit.
On more than one occasion he showed a strong sympathy with the de-
feated race, as when he interceded earnestly for Earl Gospatrick after the
revolt of 1069, and he married a Saxon lady, called by the chroniclers *Emma
de Porte,' probably because she inherited Semer, near Scarborough, then a
notable seaport.
If Mr. Brenan had shown due mistrust for his chroniclers,
he could hardly have failed to discover the not very remote
truth that Emma was daughter of a Hampshire baron, Hugh
de Port by name and a Norman by birth. The chroniclers
are probably answerable for Mr. Brenan^s long story about
the Louvain-Percy marriage, concerning which Mr. Brenan
has an amount of intimate detail suspicious enough when we
consider that we are dealing with affairs of the mid-twelfth
century.
While the Lady Agnes de Percy, eventual heiress of the race, was in her
sixteenth year, and as yet unwedded, it occurred to the shrewd Queen
Adeliza of Brabant, second wife of Henry I., that no fitter match than this
could be found for her own half-brother, Josceline de Louvain. Accordingly
she hastily summoned young Josceline from Brabant, and established him at
Court, where Agnes de Percy was a Maid of Honour. Now the birth and
ancestry of this Josceline de Louvain were as splendid as his estate was slender.
The younger son by a second marriage of Godfred * Barbatus ' Count of
Brabant and Louvain, he possessed little of land or gold, but he descended in
the direct line from Charlemagne.
The whole of this story may be said to rest upon the
description of Josceline de Louvaine as the queen's brother in
a certain deed. The legitimacy of his birth is more than
doubtful. With the Brabant legend once aboard his bark,
Mr. Brenan's steering becomes even wilder.
Old Baron William, albeit somewhat dazzled by the splendours of the
house of Louvain and its indubitable descent from Charlemagne, had no
intention that the name of Percy should be forgotten in Northumbria. So,
before he would consent to a marriage between the Lady Agnes and Josceline
de Louvain, he put forward certain alternative conditions.
Every reader of the old peerage legends knows those
conditions. Josceline was to choose between taking the name
of Percy or forsaking his own arms of the blue lion in a
golden field for the ancient arms of Percy. Josceline there-
upon chooses to take the name of Percy and to keep his arms,
which were his title to the inheritance of the Duchy of
Brabant.
232 THE ANCESTOR
A legend which crumbles under the thumb of the
antiquary. In 1 1 50 we are before the period of settled
armorial bearings, and the suggested chopping of old shields
for new ones stamps the whole story for what it is, a chroni-
cler's yarn of the approved pattern. Not only have we no
evidence of Josceline bearing a blue lion — which by the way
was not the arms of the Duchy of Brabant — or any beast of
any other colour, but we have ample evidence that he never
assumed the name of Percy, remaining de Luvene, de Luvain,
or de Lovein to the end of his days. In every question of
heraldry Mr. Brenan drifts rudderless. Armorial bearings
which we find struggling into fashion under Coeur de Lion,
with whom the very shield of England has its origin, may be
for Mr. Brenan as ancient as the totem. This at least is the
impression we gain when we read his remark concerning
Great Alan de Percy, who died in 1 120. Of him we are told
that ' the ancient arms of Percy — " azure five fusils in fesse,
or " — lost none of their prestige while he bore them upon his
shield,' a shield which, we beg Mr. Brenan to believe, could
have borne no such ornaments. The lion shield of Percy,
which Mr. Brenan and the old storymakers attribute to
Josceline de Lovaine at the court of Henry I., occurs first in
the reign of Edward I., six reigns later, when we find it as the
bearing of Henry Percy, who bore it on his banner at
Caerlaverock — -jaune 0 un bleu lyon rampant — and on his seal
attached to the barons' letter of 1301. It may have been
taken as a variant in colour of the arms of his wife, who was a
daughter of FitzAlan of Arundel. To crown his acceptance
of the Louvaine legend, Mr. Brenan tells us in all gravity that
the new Percys, ' while they retained their own arms, had
gladly taken the fine motto of the former line — " esperance en
Dieu." ' One step further, and we might be told that the
gentle Josceline retained the ancient note paper heading of the
earlier Percys.
It is an irksome task to point out the many grave errors
of archaeological detail in the work of so sympathetic a writer
as • Mr. Brenan, and we willingly make an end of our carping.
But a pause must be made before Mr. Brenan's description of
Burghley as the son of Saxon peasants. Now the descent
which the Cecils selected for themselves was from a house of
the Welsh borders. Apart from this doubtful pedigree, we
have the earliest knowledge of them as a respectable family of
REVIEWS
233
the middling sort in a countryside whose people must be at
least as Danish as Anglo-Saxon. If, as we imagine, Mr.
Brenan has really no new and toothsome bit of genealogy in
his sleeve, the ' Saxon peasant ' reveals itself as a phrase flung
at Cecil in meaningless contumely by a young historian who
rebukes Mr. Froude for his biassed writings. And here we
must charge our author, in his character of historian, with
something more than bias. The documents which, according
to the preface, ' are here revealed ' to us, are referred to in a
most suspicious series of footnotes. Cotton MS., State Papers,
Archives des Fays Bas are referred to without a key to volume
or page or document, and when references are aflForded us,
such references as ' Cotton MS, Caligula, book vi. 24,' ' Cotton
MS, Caligula, book vii.,' are apt to arouse doubts in those
acquainted with the Cotton Library as to whether our author
has ever had any genuine experience of the documents in
question. More serious error we find in that mishandling ot
facts which we find in the historical sections of the volumes
which, as Mr. Lindsay tells us in his preface, are to prove to
the candid reader that the histories in common use in England
are ' far, very far, from veracious.' Cecil is to be painted as
a master butcher, Elizabeth as red to the elbows in the blood
of the saints, and in the interest of these ideals, it seems
allowed to the historian to garble quotations, juggle with
dates, or suppress inconvenient facts. Even in dealing with
earlier days, where the air is clearer of the dust of bitter
controversy, Mr. Brenan shows that his history is the uncriti-
cal narrative which will serve a ballad singer. The child
Rutland, for example, dies murdered by ruthless CliiFord, the
furious queen rages like a fury before the dying York, and a
foot reference to Holinshed pays for the whole story.
With a good will we leave Mr. Brenan's history and go
back to his Percys. Their story as he tells it gains interest
as it goes in the hands of a writer keen to catch the good
phrase from the long page of his chroniclers and letter in-
diters. And what a ladder of history is this story as we
climb it. Percy ove les gernouns — Percy with the whiskers,
the Conqueror's man, dies in sight of Jerusalem. A Percy
is a guardian of the great charter of our liberties and another
is prisoner at Bannockburn. The favourites of kings and
queens are foes of the Percy, whether they be Gavestons,
Spensers or Mortimers. No regimental colour bears such a
234
THE ANCESTOR
list of battles as does the pedigree of Percy. Did ever a
' taken care of officer in later days have such fortune as that
which fell to the little knight Harry Percy, who led his
Northumbrians on the famous field of Cressy and yet was
able to hurry home in time to share victory at Nevill's Cross
with his warlike father, who was keeping the enemy from our
back gate with an army of chaplains and friars having two
archbishops and two bishops for brigadiers ? In a yet more
famous Harry Percy, the Hotspur, we have a world paladin,
a champion whose sword-blows and lance-pushes a quarter of
Europe followed with that delight and enthusiasm to which
our compatriots to-day are moved by very successful players
at a ball-game. At eight years of age Hotspur sees his first
campaign against Du Guesclin, he is a knight by the king's
hand at eleven, and at twelve he leads the last assault through
the breach of Berwick wall. He is well within forty years of
age when he dies on Shrewsbury field by an English yeoman's
arrow, with Douglas dead at his side, and his old companion
in arms King Henry IV. salts his body and sets it up between
two millstones by Shrewsbury pillory. His father is forced
to take cover amongst the Scots and to ride a moonlight foray
against his own cattle, and, old as he is, comes to no straw
death in the end. To see how readily the Percys risked the
Percy skin one has but to follow the line of descent. The
first earl dies fighting on Bramham Moor, and his brother is
shortened by a head after Shrewsbury fight. At Shrewsbury
Hotspur is killed. Hotspur's brother Ralph having been
slain four years before in the Holy Land. Hotspur's son and
heir lives to be killed at St. Albans, having reared four sons
who each and all die on the stricken field, two at Towton,
one at Northampton, and one, the Gled of Dunstanburgh, at
Hedgeley Moor. The next generation after these four war-
riors has Henry, the fourth earl, and him the northern rioters
kill before his house at Cocklodge. Henry the Magnificent,
fifth Earl of Northumberland, is a silken prodigal and dies in
his bed, and his valiant brother William comes scatheless
away from Flodden, but after their generation violent death
waits again for the Percys. The magnificent one's son
Thomas is beheaded in 1537. Of Thomas's sons the eldest
is beheaded in 1572. He had sought refuge amongst the
Scots, as his ancestor had done after Shrewsbury, and the
Scottish gentlemen sold him to his enemies after the fine old
Seal and Counterseal of Henry, Lord Percy. 1301.
REVIEWS
235
Scottish custom, for a sum in ready money. The second son
Henry is found dead in his cell in the Tower, and a coroner's
jury find that ' not having the Almightie God or his feare be-
fore his eies, but being moved and seduced by the instigation
of the devil ' the Earl of Northumberland did discharge a
dag or pistol into his body and heart, of which he instantly
died. The foreign press, as may be expected, brought in its
verdict of wilful murder against Queen Elizabeth with the
greatest promptness, and it is not to be doubted but that
Mr. Brenan will endorse you their calm and deliberate judge-
ment.
With this sombre business ends the bloody story of the
Percys of Alnwick, who henceforth may die in their beds, un-
less we must reckon in cousin Percy the Gunpowder Plotter,
who comes in due time to a plotter's end.
With Josceline, the eleventh lord, the line of Percy
ends at Turin in 1670. His daughter married three
times, and with each marriage shows forth afresh the
woes of the heiress. She is married first to the young
Lord Ogle, son of the Duke of Newcastle, ' a sickly boy
of appalling ugliness, certainly weak-minded if not indeed
an absolute idiot.' Fortunately this gallant bridegroom leaves
her a virgin widow at thirteen years, but her second marriage
brings her to the arms of Tom Thynne of Longleat, a brutal
libertine, of whom she is rid by the three horsemen who met
Mr. Thynne's coach in Pall Mall and there murdered him
with a blunderbuss, as may be seen depicted in a neat marble
bas-relief upon his tomb in Westminster Abbey. A third
husband was waiting for the unhappy lady in Charles,
Duke of Somerset, an ill-tempered egotist, with whom pride
of race and place grew to be a disease to himself and a drollery
to his contemporaries. He lived however to see his grand-
daughter and heir match Seymour-Percy with Smithson and
carry his ricketty honours to a house of Yorkshire husband-
men, who had come to riches and a baronetcy as London
haberdashers. But Hugh Smithson was a tall upstanding
-gentleman, handsome and quick-witted, and we cannot but
believe that his wife was a luckier woman than her grand-
mother. Hugh Smithson became Hugh Percy and Hugh
Percy Duke of Northumberland in due course. The new
made Percy yielded in pride to none of his predecessors, and
devoured the family legends with such hearty yeoman's appe-
236
THE ANCESTOR
tite that he demanded of his king no less a title than the
dukedom of Brabant, in recognition of his ' ancestor ' Josceline
de Lovaine*s well-known claims to that title !
We turn back through a few pages of Mr. Brenan's book —
there are nearly nine hundred pages — and we pass many good
stories. For quotation we take two at hazard. Richard Coeur
de Lion having a good will towards Richard Percy, and little
ready money wherewith to demonstrate his kindness, bestows
upon the Percy a single Jew of great skill in usury, by a toll
upon whose activities Richard shall enrich himself. One is
irresistibly reminded of the Chinese method of fishing with
cormorants. And there is a story of the law of the border —
whereby we learn that the wardens of the marches held it
their duty to ride a foray into Scotland ^ once a week as long
as the grass was on the ground,' which encourages us to believe
that the Percy and the Dacre have still something to teach the
generals who failed to catch De Wet.
O. B.
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Sir, —
Press announcements of the recent alliance of a British
peer with a member of a continental baronial family seem to
call for a few remarks concerning a system of nomenclature
used by certain nationalities when in this country.
To come to the point : Why do aristocrats of the Nether-
lands translate their national particle van into French when
away from home ? Why does a Baron van , or van
van 5 in the land which gave him his patent of degree,
transform himself when abroad into de de ?
To some these questions will appear frivolous ; to others
it will seem natural even for such a one to discard a particle
in the possession of so many of his countrymen who cannot
boast ' nobility/ The late Dr. Woodward wrote : —
The Viennese gentry could hardly be persuaded that Ludwig van Beet-
hoven was only of bourgeois descent, since he used a prefix which seemed
equivalent to their familar von {Heraldry, ii. p. 408).
We must look a little further than the days of Beethoven
for the truth in this matter. The learned heraldist whom we
have quoted must have forgotten (his work testifies that he
could not have been ignorant that) the evidence furnished by
the history of the Netherlands — be it in Holland or in Flanders
— is that, although the Netherlandish particle was not nobiliary
in the sense in which afterwards de so became, the fief-names
in the vernacular Dutch or Flemish, and consequently the
majority of the names of the nobility had the particle van.
Here are a few : van Pallandt, van Brederode, van Egmond,
van Amstel, van Wassenaer, van Renesse, van der Aa, van
Limburg, van Pamele, van Staevenisse, van Haveskercke, van
der Straeten, van der Bergh. We have bastards of the
Bavarian counts of Holland in van Beijeren-Schagen ; of the
dukes of Brabant in van Veen and van Dongelberg ; ot the
counts of Flanders in van Praet ; and of the Dukes ot
Burgundy in the markiesen (marquises) van der Veere
(issue of Philip van Burgondien, heer van Beveren and
Anna, vrouw van der Veere).
It passes comprehension why any Low-Country gentle-
man of vernacular (and, in Belgium, of Flemish) patronymic.
238
THE ANCESTOR
cares to discard his native particle for the French ' de^ which,
goodness knows, has been so misused as for its lustre to be
materially impaired.
It is not too much to say that, in most works of reference
published in Great Britain, the principle for which I plead is
absolutely overlooked. Gallic fashions, especially since the age
of Louis XIV., have so pervaded countries surrounding France
or at some period within French confines, that our insular usage
is little to blame. At any rate, such aberrations need neither
be persisted in nor perpetuated. It is consoling to turn to
such a gigantic undertaking as the British Museum Catalogue
of Printed Books. In no other work is to be found such a
multitude of names of authors and of historical personages,
which, though mis-spelt and mis-translated upon title-pages
of various nationalities, are here put under their vernacular
forms with a precision and a knowledge which are marvellous.
There are no ' d'Egmont ' for the British Museum authorities,
and rightly. We find the headings : Egmond, Arnold van,
Duke of Guelders^ and his more famous kinsman : Egmond,
Lamoraal van. Prince of Gavre. It is surprising that the
excellent Complete Peerage of G. E. C. is not more accurate
in the name of the Earls of Athlone, the so-called ' de ' Reeds
' de ' Ginkel. The first of the name in this country was
Godard van Reed (lord of, and consequently) van Amerongen,
Ginkel, etc.
It need hardly be mentioned that Dutch William's Earl
of Portland was a fourth son of Berent, Baron Bentinck van
Diepenheim, and that Arnold Joost van Keppel heer (lord)
van der Voorst became Earl of Albemarle. In the daily papers
the names ^ de Brienen ' and ' de Tuyll ' occasionally meet
the eye. The first of these Dutch baronial families should
either be van Brienen, or the original French de Brienne ;
perhaps the latter would be going back a little too far, as
the other form has been used in Holland since the fourteenth
century. The second should run ' van Tuyll,' or in fuU,
with the addition 'van Serooskerke.' To conclude, sir, with
a choice example of nobiliary imbecility — one can call it
nothing else — from Spain. A family of Netherlandish de-
scent, and one must perforce conclude an ennobled one,
gravely styles itself de Vande .
(I enclose my card) Yours,
VAN .
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
THE FIRST GENTLEMAN
When Adam delved and Eve span,
Who was then the gentleman ?
So John Ball, priest of St. Mary's, Colchester, is said to have
enquired. He was not aware that ' when Adam delved '
his half acre he was himself the first ' gentleman ' of whom
we have actual record. The earliest mention of the word dis-
covered for the New English Dictionary is apparently of the
third quarter of the thirteenth century ; but, before then,
as early as 1222, Adam 'gentilman* was putting in 'spade-
work ' on the half acre he held of the Dean and Chapter of St.
Paul's, in John Ball's own county, at Navestock.-^ Moreover,
this Adam ' gentilman ' was one of the jury who made the
return in which his name occurs. It is to be feared that
his name originated in rural chaff ; but, even so, it would be
evidence that the word was already familiar.
J. HORACE ROUND.
THE ENGLISH GENTLEMAN
Sir, —
To the end that the fair pages of The Ancestor may not be
stained by any inaccuracies, however slight, may I be permitted
to correct one portion of the otherwise delightful letter of
' A Learned Clerk.' The late Mr. Thomas Brassey did not
start life in quite so humble a way as the letter would seem to
imply, but was articled to a land surveyor, and the statement
that he could not write his own name must, I think, be pure
romance.
Putting on one side his undoubted descent from an old
landed family, Thomas Brassey, though not of gentle birth,
save in the technical or heraldic sense, yet came of a good
yeoman stock. Ormerod, in his History of Cheshire^ published
in 18 19, refers (2nd edit. ii. 651) to the 'great respectability '
of the Brassey family, and adds : ' The family have retained
their property, but have gradually sunk to the rank of
yeomanry.' Mr. Brassey 's father farmed his own estate of
three or four hundred acres at Buerton, and also held an
adjoining farm at a yearly rental of ^£850. The following
obituary notice of his grandfather, which I discovered in the
Monthly Review for January 1804 (p. 658), is interesting as
^ Domesday of St. PauPs, p. 80.
240
THE ANCESTOR
showing that progressive elements were observed in the family
even before the great contractor's time : —
Aged 60, Mr. G. Brassey, of Buerton, This gentleman occupied and
managed, with excellent judgement, and proportionate success, one of the
most extensive dairy and grazing farms in this count}-. He was, indeed, in all
respects, a strenuous promoter and encourager of agricultural improvements.
It would be interesting to know whether the writer of this
notice used the word ' gentleman ' after consultation with the
Heralds' College, or whether he had anticipated Sir George
Sitwell's theory !
In the same magazine for July 1805 (p. 618) is recorded
the marriage of Mr. Brassey's parents : ' Mr. John Brassey,
of Buerton, to Miss Percival.'
Perhaps ' A Learned Clerk ' rather helps to obscure the
main point at issue by the introduction of manners and morals
into what must remain — let us hope for ever — a purely
academic question, entirely divorced from the modern inter-
pretations of the word 'gentleman.' There are now many
qualities combined of education, refinement and good feeling,
which are infinitely more powerful than any mere question of
pedigree in deciding whether a man shall be accepted as a
gentleman by those whose judgement is of most value. But
this affects the living present more than the dead past.
While fuUy realizing the interest and the historical im-
portance of Sir George Sitwell's attempt to discover the
original significance of the word ' gentleman,' we may yet be
forgiven tor breathing more freely when he teUs us in con-
clusion that he does not intend to foUow up his historical re-
search by a new social programme founded upon it. But
may we also hope that ' gentleman ' will stiU endure as a dis-
tinctive word in the language endowed with that finer and
more comprehensive meaning which it now possesses when
used with due consideration and not as a purely sentimental
level for high principled men in whatever rank of life. To
make character the only claim to the tide would be even more
absurd than to attempt nowadays to limit it to those descended
from armigerous families, or to those whose ancestors have
* always been free.'
I am. Sir, your obedient servant,
ALEYN LYELL READE.
July 10, 1902.
EDITORIAL NOTES
WRITING on recent Spanish literature in the Athenaum
of July 5 Senor Altamira, himself a distinguished
historian, mentions a phenomenon observable also of late
among ourselves, namely, that ' the number of books devoted
to local and provincial history ' has been ' relatively large * to
that of other historical works. Among those which he names
as noteworthy on the subjects with which we deal are : in
Catalonia, La Heraldica en la Filigrana del Pap el ; in Gui-
puzcoa, Nobiliario de los PalacioSy Casa^ Solares y Linajes nobiles
de Guipuzcoa ; and in Castille Armas y Tapices de la Corona de
Espana ; and the third Historia Genealogka y Heraldica de
Monarquia Espanola.
* * *
The Daily Graphic of July 19 contained a communication
on the strange discovery of human remains, some buried
wholesale and some in graves and vaults, in the course of
excavations in Clement^s Lane and Portugal Street, Lincoln's
Inn. It was suggested that the land had formed part of the
burial ground of St. Clement Danes. But, as was observed,
it was most extraordinary that it should have been lost sight
of in less than a century, for one of the gravestones bore the
inscription, * Mrs. Martha Ibbott, Died 9 Feb. 18 18, aged 76
years.' The parish registers of St. Clement Danes ought to
settle the question.
* * *
The recent sale of Wyvenhoe Park, Colchester, by Mr.
Gurdon-Rebow severs an interesting connection between that
ancient borough and the bearers of the name of Rebow. The
Rebows were among those Flemish refugees who settled so
largely in Essex, especially in Colchester, and they attained
wealth and knighthood in the person of Sir Isaac Rebow, who
was M.P. for the borough, and entertained King William III.
at his house there. His name is commemorated in ' Sir Isaac's
Walk' adjoining it. The male line terminated with his des-
cendant, member like himself for the borough, who died in
1 78 1, but the line was carried on through heiresses for awhile,
and indeed would seem, on glancing at the pedigree in Burke's
Landed Gentry to be still preserved. But close investigation
241
242
THE ANCESTOR
will show that the present bearers of the name, who are cadets
of the Suffolk Gurdons, are not descended from the Rebows.
The pedigree in Berry s Essex Pedigrees implies that all Sir
Isaac's descendants are now extinct ; but this is not so. His
daughter Susan married in 1724 Sir Edmund Bacon of
Gillingham, Bart., whose daughter and sole eventual heiress
Susan brought Gillingham to the Schutz family, the heiress of
whom married Lord George Beresford in 1808. In their
descendants therefore it would seem is vested the representation
of Sir Isaac and the right to quarter his arms.
* * *
Of the coronation honours the peerage given to Sir Francis
Knollys will be of the most interest. Here we have a peerage
given to a younger son of a family which has striven for cen-
turies to assert its claim to an older title which failed in 1632.
The Knollys story is of the simplest, its law of the most diffi-
cult. William, first and last Earl of Banbury, died in 1632
aged about eighty-five. He left behind him in his house two
children, the elder being aged five years, who should in the
order of things have succeeded to the Banbury honours. But
scandal ran vehemently concerning the widowed countess and
the Lord Vaux of Harrowden, whom she married within five
weeks of her aged husband's death. The countess herself was
'a professed papist,' and therefore a person in ill esteem of the
Parliament. So it would seem that the country had made up
its mind concerning the legitimacy of the old lord's boys, and
that opinion was recorded in a high-handed fashion when the
younger boy, the heir of his elder brother, sought to take his
seat in the House of Lords in the Restoration Parliament.
Despite a protest of the house Nicholas Knollys sat as an earl
for the rest of that Parliament, but since then no writ has been
issued. The long story of the Banbury claim ended with the
resolution of the House of Lords on 1 5 March 1 8 1 3 that their
petitioner ' was not entitled to the title etc. of Earl of Banbury.'
* * *
Mr. Arthur Hugh Smith-Barry, who becomes Lord Barry-
more, is that rare swan, a rich Irish landlord, and as such has
aided his fellow landlords with purse and person. His Irish
honours include many burnings in effigy. To the genealogist
his title of Barrymore is a rare example of a title revived in an
illegitimate line. The name of Barry is that of one of the
earliest of the invading knights under Henry II. Kinsfolk
of the Geraldines, they followed the main line over the pale,
EDITORIAL NOTES 243
putting on the saffron mantle and with it those Irish customs
so hateful to the king and his council at London. The chief
of the wild Barrys became Barry More, the great Barry. The
fate of many such chieftains might have been theirs had not
David Barry, Viscount Buttevant, been wise and wise enough
to match himself with a daughter of Richard Boyle, the great
Earl of Cork. The Irish Barry More then forsook yellow
cloaks, bare legs, and the idle playing on the harp, and Barry
More was translated into the English and ridiculous title of
' Earl of Barrymore,* a name which had already appeared in
the title of the ^ Vicecomes de Barrymore ' at least as early as
the reign of Elizabeth. The title ended in the days of George
the Regent and George the King with Earls Richard and
Henry, who for their manner of life might have been Earls
Tom and Jerry. From the fourth earl came James Hugh
Smith-Barry, whose mother was a Smith heiress from Essex,
and who was succeeded in his lands in Cheshire and Cork by
a natural son, the grandfather of the new Lord Barrymore.
* * *
In the person of Mr. A. B. Freeman-Mitford the extinct
title of Redesdale is raised up again. In 1802, Sir John
Mitford, Speaker of the House of Commons, was created
' Baron Redesdale of Redesdale,' a foolish redundancy of title
following the custom of his day. He left behind him for
memorial the Report of the Lords' Committees . . . touching the
Dignity of a Peer^ which was drawn up by him in 1826. His
son was Chairman of Committees and died in 1877, taking
from London one of the last blue tail coats with brass buttons
to be met in its streets. His estates went to his cousin
Algernon Bertram Mitford, the now Lord Redesdale, who
thereupon took to himself the additional name of Freeman.
* * *
Of the coronation peerages it may be said that two were
given as rewards for services to the party in power, one for
the solace of his Majesty's opposition, one to a great officer of
the law, one to a distinguished soldier, one to an officer near
the royal person, and one to an ex-diplomatist. The four
remaining creations are steps in the peerage, two being given to
high officials of the courts and two to proconsuls of the empire.
The list of baronetcies and knighthoods, well deserved as
some of these may be, contains many names round which old
Peter le Neve would have scribbled his amusing personalities.
244
THE ANCESTOR
We have received for review a handsomely-bound volume
of the Transactions of the Hampstead Antiquarian and His-
torical Society, Hampstead, although many surrounding
parishes would fain dress themselves in its name, is set upon
a hill and remains for all the changes it has suffered a citadel
which has not yet been stormed by the advancing march of
London. Therefore a society which will move the Hampstead
dweller to a wider interest in its story will do good work in in-
directly encouraging him to protect its green places and fair
houses. In the volume before us the papers seem well chosen.
' Dickens and Hampstead ' must in mere gratitude be one of
the first. Was not Mr. Pickwick with his ' Speculations on
the source of the Hampstead Ponds ' the first of Hampstead
antiquarians and historians } The veteran antiquary Mr. J.
G. Waller contributes a paper of great interest concerning his
own early rambles upon the Heath, and other papers deal
with the ^ plundered ministers,' the Church House, and the
famous houses at Hampstead.
When we have said so much for the work, we are bound
to add that the Transactions of the Hampstead Antiquarian and
Historical Society supply a noble example to other local anti-
quarian bodies of ' how not to do it.' The papers we have
spoken of are printed in small type, but plenty of larger type
is used throughout the book. It is used to describe in the
choicest journalese the Might refreshments served through
the evening' before 'a very enjoyable and high class pro-
gramme of vocal and instrumental music was proceeded with '
during which Mr. Holyoake ' won an enthusiastic encore for
a delightful rendering of " The Sailor's Grave " (Sullivan).' It
tells how the fortunate antiquaries were ' hospitably entertained
at a recherche repast,' and how ' hearty and cordial ' were the
votes of thanks which were ' carried unanimously.' The
Hampstead Society invites men of learning and distinction to
contribute to its proceedings, and it is an iU compliment to
them to smother their work under this fluffy wordiness for
which the local newspaper or parish magazine can offer a more
proper asylum.
Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Fromc. and London.
THE
VICTORIA HISTORY
OF THE COUNTIES OF
ENGLAND
DESIGNED AS A PERMANENT MEMORIAL TO
HER LATE MAJESTY
QUEEN VICTORIA
WHO IN HER LIFETIME GRACIOUSLY GAVE THE TITLE TO AND
ACCEPTED THE DEDICATION OF THE HISTORY
ADVISORY COUNCIL
His Grace The Duke of Bedford, K.G.
President of ttie Zoological Society
His Grace The Duke of Devonshire, K.G.
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge
His Grace The Duke of Rutland, K.G.
His Grace The Duke of Portland, K.G.
His Grace The Duke of Argyll, K.T.
The Most Hon. The Marquess of
Salisbury, K.G.
Chancellor of the University of Oxford
The Rt. Hon The Earl of Rosebery,
K.G., K.T.
The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Coventry
President of the Royal Agricultural Society
The Rt. Hon. The Viscount Dillon
President of the Society of A ntiquaries
The Rt. Hon. The Lord Acton
Regius Professor of Modern History, Cambridge
The Rt. Hon. The Lord Lister
President of the Royal Society
The Rt. Hon. The Lord Alverstone
Lord Chief jfustice
Sir Frederick Pollock, Bart., LL.D.,
F.S.A., etc.
Corpus Professor of furisprudence, Oxford
Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, K.C.B.,
D.C.L., LL.D., F.S.A., etc.
Director of the British M usewn
General Editor — H.
Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., F.S.A.
President of the Royal Geographical Society
Sir Henry C. Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B.^,
M.A., F.S.A., ETC.
Keeper of the Public Records
Col. Sir J. Farquharson, K.C.B.
Sir Jos. Hooker, G.C.S.I., M.D., D.C.L.,
F.R.S., ETC.
Sir Archibald Geikie, LL.D., F.R.S., etc.
Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A., etc»
Lionel Cust, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., etc.
Director of the National Portrait Gallery
Albert C. L. G. Gunther, M.A., F.R.S.,
M.D., Ph.D.
President of the Linnean Society
Col. Duncan A. Johnston
Director General of the Ordnance Survey
Prof. E. Ray Lankester, M.A., F.R.S.,
etc.
Director of the Natural History Museum,
South Kensington
Reginald L. Poole, Esq., M.A.
University Lecturer in Diplomatic, Oxford
F. York Powell, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., etc.
Regius Professor of Modem History, Oxford
J. Horace Round, Esq., M.A.
Walter Rye, Esq.
W. H. St. John Hope, Esq., M.A.
Assistant Secretary of the Society of A ntiquaries
Arthur Doubleday
Offices 2 WHITEHALL GARDENS
WESTMINSTER
THE VICTORIA HISTORY OF THE
COUNTIES OF ENGLAND
The VICTORIA HISTORY is a National Historic Survey compiled
under the direction of a large staff comprising the foremost students in science,
history and archaeology, and is designed to record the history of every county
of England in detail.
This work v/as approved by our late Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria, who
graciously gave it her own name.
It is the endeavour of those who are associated in compiling the
VICTORIA HISTORY to treat it as a scientific undertaking and to embody
in it all that modern scholarship can contribute. And it is believed that the
system of co-operation between experts and local students, which is the funda-
mental principle of the whole work, will give to the History a completeness
and definite authority hitherto lacking in similar undertakings. His Majesty's
Government, in recognition of the educational and statistical value of the
History, has placed all the Government publications freely at the disposal of
the editorial staff.
The VICTORIA HISTORY as projected comprises i6o large volumes,
and already numbers many hundreds of selected contributors to its pages in
all parts of the country. The price of the complete set of i6o Volumes is
jf252 net. There are also forty supplementary Volumes of Genealogy — one
for each county — containing the pedigrees of all families that have been pos-
sessed of a seat and an estate in the male line since the first year of George III.
These Volumes are issued at 5;. net each.
The History of each county is obtainable separately, and the number of
volumes and the prices for each county are here appended.
LIST OF COUNTIES
Counties
No. of Vols.
Price in
Counties
No. of Vols.
Price in
not exceeding
Guineas
not exceeding
Guineas
Bedford
3
5
Lincoln
4
6
Berks
4
6
Middlesex
4
6
Bucks
4
6
Monmouth
4
6
Cambridge
3
5
Norfolk
6
9
Chester...
4
6
Northampton
4
6
Cornwall
4
6
Northumberland
4
6
Cumberland
4
6
Nottingham
4
6
Derby
4
6
Oxford
4
6
Devon
4
6
Rutland
2
3
Dorset
4
6
Salop
4
6
Durham
4
6
Somerset
4
6
Essex
4
6
Stafford
4
6
Gloucester
4
6
Suffolk
4
6
Hants
4
6
Surrey
4
6
Hereford
4
6
Sussex ...
4
6
Hertford
4
6
Warwick
4
6
Huntingdon
2
3
Westmorland...
2
z>
Kent
5
7h
Wilts
4
6
Lancaster
5
Worcester
4
6
Leicester
4
6
York
8
12
METHODS OF PAYMENT
Payment may be made on receipt of each Volume as delivered, or in
instalments by annual banker's order (in w^hich case the price for a complete
set is £2^0) as preferred. Orders will be entered by any bookseller in town
or country. The Volumes are bound in stout cloth gilt. They may however
be obtained very handsomely bound in half morocco by Zaehnsdorf, price
j^i 1 1 J. 6d. extra per volume.
A POPULAR ACCOUNT OF
THE VICTORIA HISTORY
WHEN this great series of the County Histories was first planned
the approval of our late Sovereign Lady was sought and gained,
the Queen became patroness of the work, watching its growth with
interest and giving it her own name as the Victoria History of the
Counties of England* By her orders a set of the whole series was to
be reserved for the royal library at Windsor, and to her memory the
work is inscribed in the hope that it may prove a worthy memorial of
her illustrious reign.
That reign saw the beginning of many great literary enterprises
whose monumental scale sets them amongst national achievements.
The Dictionary of National Biography^ whose additional volumes are
closing with the biography of the great Queen, is a work of which no
nation has seen the fellow ; and the English Dictionary^ now midway in
its labours, stands a tall head and shoulders above the nearest of its
foreign rivals.
But vast as these undertakings may be the Victoria History competes
with them in friendly rivalry. Its bulk is the least of its claims, but
the fires of Peking, which burned the sole perfect copy of the half-
mythical Chinese Encyclopaedia, have made an end of the one book
which could compare with it in size. The complete History itself
marshals a hundred and sixty volumes, and to these are added the
supplementary volumes containing the pedigrees of the county families,
so that it will be seen that it is almost a library in itself for those who
desire the complete series, rather than a book which is in the course of
making.
Such a neglected study has been the history of our own towns and
fields that it may be well that the public should learn what county his-
tory should be. And yet from the seventeenth century to the earlier
years of the century now gone by many score tall folios and fat quartos
of county history came through the press, among the most noteworthy
being those of Surrey by Manning and Bray, Ey ton's Shropshire,
Nichols' Leicestershire^ Hutchins' Dorsetshire^ and Blomfield's Norfolk.
As a rule however, for all but the determined antiquary or grubber of
pedigrees, the county history of the past has been for the most part too
dull for general perusal. Still, old and new, county histories have one
quality in common, that their buyer acquires a sound property upon a
rising market. In the words of The Times describing the Victoria
History —
* Ever}^body knows what sort of a book was the normal old-
fashioned county histor^\ It was commonly the work of one man,
laborious in the extreme, praiseworthy, decorous and dull. It ran to
three or four immense volumes, wnth steel plates of churches and
gentlemen's seats, good maps according to the lights of those days, and
a good index. Sometimes, as in a few of the Yorkshire histories, a
factitious value was lent to the books by the drawings specially made
by Turner, w^hich soared as high above reality as the prose of the
author sank below it. But the real fault of the county history of this
type was that the local aspect of things was not presented in its proper
relation to the histor)^ of the country as a whole. The spirit in which
the book was written w^as too commonly the spirit of the topographer.
Every local unit remained a unit ; the writer, as a rule, had his
county or his township so much before his eyes that he paid no atten-
tion to the wider aspects of the national life. Nor was it possible that
the idea of development, which is the root idea of the modern historian,
could take any great place in the older local histories. Probably many
excellent local historians of to-day would be guilty of the same faults if
they were left to do their work alone ; but the organization of the
Victoria History is such as to prevent this.
What County History may be, in the hands of no one man, but
in the hands of a national company of scholars, the Victoria County
History sets forth to prove. That the story it has to tell should be
dull is heresy for an Englishman to believe ; that it is, as a fact, far
from being dull, a glance at the volumes of the Victoria History already
published will convince the greatest sceptic'
Nowadays we are a restless people, ever on the move, for the most
part regarding a seven years' lease as chaining us unduly to a house.
Many a man does not know the ver^' name of his great-grandfather,
and whence that remote ancestor may have come is as obscure as the
origin of the Ar}'ans. Having no tie of place or blood such a man
may reasonably contend that the discovery of his own pedigree, though
it were for thirty generations back, would move him no more than any
other string of names. Yet could we present before him that pedigree
\n flesh and blood — could he see his grandfather in high stock and
hessians, his great-grandfather in powdered hair and top-boots, his
great-great-grandfather in ruffled cuffs, bob-wig and three-cornered hat,
and even the first of his name — franklin, yeoman, or Piers the Plow-
man, surely the liveliest interest and the most human would be
awakened as he saw pass before him these forefathers in their habit as
they lived, as when the spark of his own life was in their breasts.
So then with our histories. A man's interest in his land, in his
native county, in the corner of England which chance has brought him
to dwell in may be all too sound asleep to be awakened by a pedant's
string of names and dates, but it is there to awaken when the past story
of town and field is brought to him as a living thing coloured in all its
strange and many hues.
To know how and in what manner his crowded city grew up from
a line of straggling cottages round some industry reckoned a little thing
in its beginning, how his county town, dozing through a week broken
only by the rustic chatter of market day, was once a point towards
which the merchants from far countries came with bales of outlandish
merchandise along the packhorse roads — this where a half-dozen
farmers' traps come in our day — this is surely knowledge which is
good company for a man to carry with him in his daily round.
This land, now sheep pasture, was open sea in days of which
County History will tell us, and on the hillside far inland are stones
which were a quay to which Roman galleys were moored. This high
country dotted with villas was the great forest in whose secret places
the strange rites of wood-devils were celebrated. This cornland was
marsh and mere, the home of pike and waterfowl, and where the
mound is at the village end was a castle with inner and outer bailey,
keep and drawbridge, the nest of an evil man of foreign speech who
oppressed the stubborn English until in full stream of fortune he broke
himself against the king's power, a clay pot against a brass pot.
Where the duke's towers are to-day there was once a charcoal burner's
hut, and where Hodge has his thatched cottage on the down a great
Roman proconsul had his villa with its libraries, its baths and hypo-
causts, its hall with seagods in tesserae colouring the floor and the loves
of Apollo upon the painted walls.
Such a story as this might be dull in the telling, but the Fictoria
County History relies upon no one man's pen, and it is not too much to
say that no such body of scholars and specialists has ever been mustered
before for a national work.
After what fashion the Victoria History will follow its task may be
estimated when we consider the roll of distinguished men who are at
work for it.
The history of each county begins with its geology. The story of
the formations which have become England are told by the members
of His Majesty's Geological Survey.
The description of English flora and fauna are exhaustive and accu-
rate. From the forests of the coal period to the weeds last arrived in
our hedgerows, from the mammoth to the brown rat which lately drove
out our native black rat, our birds, beasts, fishes and insects, herbs and
forest trees find describers amongst a group of editors including every
name of the first rank amongst students of Natural History.
Coming at last to man and his work, Mr. Boyd Dawkins, the well
known author of Early Man in Britain^ is the general editor of those
chapters of the history which deal with the history of man in our
island in the remote days before the coming of Romans or Anglo-
Saxons.
England can never forget that she was once a province under the
Roman power, for over the country still runs the network of roads
which grew up in the wake of the Roman eagles, the Roman tile is in
most of our ancient walls, and some fragment of toy or tool from
Roman hands is turned wherever the ploughshare runs. Great care
therefore has been spent upon the section of the history relating to
Roman England, which is directed and edited by Mr. Haverfield,
whose name stands for the archaeology of Roman England amongst
antiquaries all over the world.
Anglo-Saxon remains are dealt with by Mr. C. Hercules Read, of
the department of Antiquities at the British Museum, and by his
assistant, Mr. Reginald Smith.
Ethnography is in the hands of Mr. G. Laurence Gomme, well
known by his work for the Folk-lore Society ; and the dialects, so fast
disappearing before the face of the School Board, are treated of by Mr.
Joseph Wright, the Editor ot the Great Dictionary of the English
dialects.
There are those for whom English history begins with King
William the Conqueror and Domesday Book. The smatterer in
antiquities is wont to nourish a belief that Domesday Book is a record
easily to be construed although a trifle dull withal ; the more advanced
antiquary or historian knows Domesday Book for a maze of puzzles
and pitfalls, but a record which has not its fellow in the deep interest
it holds for English people. Amongst the names of the skilled inter-
preters of Domesday Book that of Mr. Horace Round stands eminent,
and from his hand come the articles upon Domesday Book and its
kindred records which will appear in each of the Histories.
In no point will the Victoria Histories contrast more notably with
the histories that came before them than in the care with which the
story of our national buildings is set forth. The history and description
of castles and houses, walled towns, cathedrals, abbeys and churches is
under the supervision of a large committee of students of architectural
history from Mr. George Fox, who speaks with authority of the Roman
work, to Mr. Gotch, whose name is so familiar by reason of his brilliant
studies upon the English Renaissance in architecture.
Mr. St. John Hope, whose researches into ancient architecture
have left little untouched from the beehive hut to Sir Christopher's
dome, edits the section dealing with the cathedrals and monastic
remains, and directs the making of the coloured ground plans which
show the growth and architectural history of the greater buildings.
Mr. A. F. Leach edits the history of the English public schools
and grammar schools. Where counties have a seaboard Professor J. K.
Laughton edits their history so far as it relates to the story of our fleets.
The history of the feudal baronage, of the Nevills, Mortimers,
fitzAlans, Bohuns, and their fellows, is in the hands of Mr. Horace
Round and Mr. Oswald Barron.
His Grace the Duke of Beaufort is editor-in-chief of the articles on
Sport.
Sir Ernest Clarke, Secretary to the Royal Agricultural Society,
directs the section on Agriculture.
The greater part of the volumes of each county will contain the
history of the English parishes, the sum of which is the history of the
county. The parish and its beginnings, its church and its memorials,
the story of its manors and of their lords, of its ancient and interesting
buildings, the story of that change in the face of things which once so
slow seems in our day to be hurrying the land towards a time when
England will be an island town inlaid with market gardens. For this,
the most important share of our work, the Victoria History has the help
of nearly every English historian or antiquary, and in its pages will be
found the results of many men's lifework of scholarly labour and re-
search. Yet it is not upon such collections alone that the parish his-
tories are based. The vast records of the nation — records which for
bulk and interest excel those of all other peoples — are being system-
atically searched by a stalF of skilled workers, assisted by a Records
Committee headed by the Deputy-keeper of the Public Records and the
Director of the British Museum.
Illustrations are bestowed plentifully upon the history : illustrations
of Roman and Anglo-Saxon remains, of castles and manor houses, of
cathedrals and churches, and of the fast-perishing beauties of English
house and cottage architecture. Illustrations of famous monuments,
Roman pavements, brasses and coloured glass have their place, and
ancient pictures of the towns and countryside stand in contrast with
photogravures and mezzotints from the hundred and sixty paintings of
modern English scenery which are being specially made for the His-
tory.
There is an abundance of good maps, from the geological and
botanical maps and the maps which illustrate Domesday Book, to
Speed's wonderful maps published in 1610 and the maps of the modern
surveyors.
In an additional volume are added to each county history elaborately
drawn pedigrees with many portraits of those county families, titled and
untitled, who have held a seat and landed estate in their male line since
1760, the first year of the reign of George III., the reign which saw
the beginning of the modern period of change.
At a price and under conditions of purchase which allow the
history of his own county to find a place on the bookshelf of every
Englishman who buys books, and to set the whole work within reach
of the least endowed of provincial public libraries, the Victoria History
cannot fail, owing to its wide interests and deep educational value, to
take its place amongst the greatest of the familiar and trusted books of
reference.
Such a work as the Victoria History may be amplified in detail ;
indeed it is hoped that the great work will be the fruitful mother of
much local archaeological study. But the vastness of its conception
and the accuracy of its detail will make it stand whilst black ink and
sound rag-paper endure, a national record and a landmark in our history.
Full detailed prospectuses of each county as issued may be had on applica-
tion to booksellers or to the Publisher Sy Messrs. Archibald Constable Co.
Ltd.y 2 Whitehall Gardens^ Westminster. Specimen volumes will be sent
on approval to be viewed at any bookseller's in town or country.
€\ c% r\.
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